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Politics : American Presidential Politics and foreign affairs -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Oral Roberts who wrote (24347)12/5/2007 3:00:11 PM
From: Peter Dierks  Respond to of 71588
 
Thanks, I had missed it.



To: Oral Roberts who wrote (24347)12/25/2007 2:39:35 AM
From: Peter Dierks  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 71588
 
Our Friends in Baghdad
Can't Mrs. Clinton move beyond Bush-bashing on America's interests in the Middle East?

BY FREDERICK W. KAGAN
Friday, December 21, 2007 12:01 a.m. EST

Will the United States remain committed to supporting its friends and opposing its enemies in the Muslim world?

This question has been asked for decades by people from Indonesia to Morocco and throughout the Middle East. And there is no clear answer. American engagement in the Muslim world has been fitful and incoherent, leaving our friends and our opponents believing that we are at best unreliable. In the past, supporting our friends has been taken to mean Israel, Turkey, Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan. In the case of the last three, it has meant helping more or less authoritarian governments retain power in exchange for their help in stabilizing the region.

But today, new democracies in Afghanistan and Iraq--democracies the U.S. made possible--struggle to survive against attacks from our common enemies. Both are reaching out to the U.S. and asking for a commitment of our support.

This is an epochal moment: The U.S. has a chance to break away from failed policies of the past and throw itself behind two new constitutional democracies that occupy critical geostrategic positions in the most dangerous part of the world. Will we seize this moment or let it pass?

In Iraq, the Bush administration appears to be seizing it. Recently, President Bush and Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki signed a joint communiqué in which the U.S. committed to helping Iraq defend its government against internal and external threats. In response, the Maliki government asked for a one year renewal of the current United Nation's Security Council Resolution that governs U.S. forces operating in Iraq. Mr. Maliki is also committed to working out bilateral relations with the U.S. to govern future American operations in his country.

The joint American-Iraqi communiqué marks the beginning of the normalization of relations between allies in a common fight against al Qaeda, and against Iranian efforts to dominate the Middle East. It doesn't commit the U.S. to specific force levels and it allows future governments in Washington and Baghdad to decide the role the U.S. will play in the coming years in Iraq. It is, however, an important statement of America's resolve. Even more important, it is a statement of Iraq's desire to align itself with us.

The U.S. hasn't charted as wise a course in Afghanistan. Since the establishment of Hamid Karzai's government in 2004, the Afghans have sought a bilateral agreement committing the U.S. to protect Afghanistan against foreign and domestic threats. The speaker of Afghanistan's parliament, Younos Qanuni, reiterated that desire within the past month.

But, despite a 2005 joint communiqué similar to the recent Bush-Maliki exchange, the Bush administration has deflected Kabul's request for a bilateral relationship into a much more nebulous and less effective relationship with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. A relationship with NATO is not what the Afghans want or need.

The transition of the Afghan security and reconstruction missions from U.S. to NATO control was undertaken more with an eye on what is good for NATO than for what is good for Afghanistan, and the Afghans have not benefited from it. They still want an American commitment. Given their centrality in the fight against al Qaeda and their determination in the face of our common enemies, they deserve it.

Unfortunately, opposition to the war in Iraq and partisan politics prevent a reasoned discussion of America's interests in the Muslim world. Sen. Hillary Clinton, a leader of the liberal internationalist wing of the Democratic Party (whose husband wisely committed American forces to the Balkans in the 1990s to stop genocide and establish constitutional government there), immediately attacked the Bush-Maliki communiqué.

She joined the unthinking chorus of war opponents who saw it simply as another way of institutionalizing "George Bush's endless war." Rather than pressing the administration to offer similar guarantees to another key ally at the heart of the fight against terrorism, liberal internationalists instead attacked the administration.

What sort of strategy is this? Shall we refuse our help to democratic states we helped bring into existence when they are attacked by our common foes? Shall we make a statement that we will not support our friends or that we prefer to support authoritarian regimes?

Mrs. Clinton has said that she expects U.S. troops to be in Iraq until the end of her administration, and quite rightly. But under what terms will they be there, if we do not establish a bilateral relationship with an Iraqi state eager to assert its own sovereignty, and therefore unwilling to continue in the sort of international receivership to which the Security Council subjects it?

As U.S. forces move into former insurgent strongholds in Iraq, the local people, both Sunni and Shiite, ask our soldiers not "When are you leaving?" but "Will you stay this time?" The rise of Iran's power has frightened many Gulf Arab states so much that they now ask the same question: Will the U.S. stand by them this time?

The notion that attacks on America result from the American presence in the Muslim world is nonsensical. America and its allies have been attacked when we had troops in the Middle East and when we did not; when we intervened in regional crises and when we ignored them. But our policies over the past few decades have resulted in the worst of both worlds--we have generated whatever irritant our presence in the region creates without giving our friends (and enemies) the assurance that we will actively pursue our interests and those of our allies.

It was one thing to debate how much support to offer authoritarian regimes providing questionable support to our efforts. Refusing now to defend states trying to establish constitutional and democratic government will be quite another. The immorality of such a decision is apparent. It would also be strategic stupidity.

It is time to move beyond reflexive Bush-bashing and antiwar sloganeering and consider our real interests in the Muslim world and how to secure them. It starts by declaring that we will stand by our friends in defense of common goals and against common enemies.

Mr. Kagan is a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute and the author, most recently, of "No Middle Way: The Challenge of Exit Strategies from Iraq" (AEI Press, 2007).

opinionjournal.com



To: Oral Roberts who wrote (24347)12/27/2007 1:47:09 AM
From: Peter Dierks  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 71588
 
Dr. Freud, What Do Voters Want?
Our neurotic presidential campaign.

BY DANIEL HENNINGER
Thursday, December 27, 2007 12:01 a.m. EST

Where is Sigmund Freud when we finally need him? This is the fellow who famously asked: What do women want? He could have put his skills to better use answering a more difficult question: What do American voters want?

Democrats purport "satisfaction" with their candidates, even as the recent FOX News poll put Sen. Clinton's "unfavorables" at 49%. This comports with the discomfiture with her that one routinely hears, sotto voce, from many Democrats.

Republicans, though, seem especially in need of a long talk on a flat couch. So let's put them there.

They have seven candidates running for president--including a former big-city mayor who revived his city after 9/11, two former governors, an admired former senator from central casting, a senator of deep experience who is a certified war hero and a libertarian with a medical degree. Most of these men have been running for nearly a year and still the average GOP voter is telling pollsters: I'm not happy.
What do these voters want?

On the basis of talks with many voters the past year, it's evident that what a lot want is whichever candidate will crush the other side's candidate. The presidency itself? A second-level concern to be worked out after the more emotionally satisfying act of stomping the other party. Some pollster should ask: Basically, do you just want to win?

This is the Devil's Deal Option. It's not the most inspiring way to think about politics. It does not beget a good mood. One must wrestle with the guilty conscience that will arrive like a subpoena after the devil puts his candidate in the Oval Office.

But let's think higher. Perhaps our angst-ridden voters just want the "best man" for the job. This, too, is the road to neurosis. The Best Man is a mythical beast. Doesn't exist. Voters the length of our history have claimed they saw the best man, just over the horizon. Wrong.

Recalling Freud's original question, the best man never seems to show up. Fred Thompson was the "best man." Until he ran. The politicians themselves understand that the presidency has become a random walk. This is why Joe Biden and Chris Dodd are running against all odds. Why not me? It must kill them that Mike Huckabee is the one winning the why-not-me lottery this cycle. For doing what? At this point, both Bill Clinton and Mike Huckabee were a wash in terms of presidential qualifications. Once across the White House threshold, Bill Clinton couldn't be dislodged for two terms.

Whatever they want, GOP voters at the moment don't seem able to get it. It's possible that Republicans, more prone than Democrats to cite the allure of principle, simply have high standards in the picking of presidents. A better bet, though, is that we have imposed on ourselves a very hard system for choosing presidents.

The Constitution is no help. It abandoned us at election time long ago. Beyond the simple qualifications listed in Article II, Section 1 (it assumes, for instance, that by age 35, a person is mature), the Founders saw no reason to offer a guide to getting a president. Ever since, they and we have had to improvise an election process. However eminent the Founders were, their national politics was incomparably more brutish than ours. They fought duels. We hold primaries, a whole lot of them. Obviously over time, efficiency has suffered.

The irony of our electoral unhappiness is impossible to miss: As the gross tonnage of politics rises, so too does public disenchantment.

After nearly a year of campaigning by these Republican and Democratic candidates, we ought to know more about them than any voter could have known 200 years ago, when news traveled by the week. There have been umpteen nationally televised debates. Each candidate running for the presidency has a squad of e-wired political reporters running alongside, connected to cell phones and laptops. The Internet is a white river of news, opinion and background information about each candidate. And we're blue.

The nasty paradox of the modern, data-dumped media age is this: The more we know, the less we know. Weirdly, in a world of total data, people barely know what they want from politics--for themselves, for the country or the presidency.

Former U.K. Prime Minister Tony Blair on his way out of office identified a truism for our times: With the rise of the Web, judgment has fallen because less time is available to think. So one was struck during Sen. John McCain's visit to the Journal editorial page a few weeks ago, when he remarked that campaigns aren't adjusted day to day now, but "hour to hour."

It may be that a Web-stoked media has demoted the office of the presidency itself as an animating idea and elevated the mechanics, the sport, of elections. The unpopularity of the Bush presidency aside, note how a presidential election, now entering its second year, has become a national obsession, which like most obsessions tends to induce disappointment.

We are passing through a largely ideological age, exacerbated by the Web on the left and right. The left doesn't want to do politics with the other side but merely wants to eliminate it, and then run the country. The religious right, by and large, mainly wants someone to pay attention to them and acknowledge their legitimacy. None of this has much to do with finding a candidate who will make more right than wrong calls during four years in the Oval Office.

It may well be that, as so often before, voters starting in Iowa next week will in the aggregate find the right reasons to choose the winner in November. Little wonder, though, that their mood is sour. More than ever, the electorate is being ill-served, and knows it.

The one thing that a globalized media has allowed people to see is that the stakes are large--Russia, China, infectious diseases originating in faraway places, terrorism's many addresses, the shameful images of Darfur, the dollar in decline, a Congress in which there is next-to-no confidence. Amid this comes a campaign running 24/7 unto eternity, even as people madden themselves trying to penetrate deeply enough to get a fix on the candidates and make the right call on the presidency.

Freud also said, "Neurosis is the inability to tolerate ambiguity." In American politics, ambiguity is all you get. Our voters are not neurotic. They are just deeply annoyed.

Mr. Henninger is deputy editor of The Wall Street Journal's editorial page. His column appears Thursdays in the Journal and on OpinionJournal.com.

opinionjournal.com