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To: altair19 who wrote (123920)1/11/2008 1:51:31 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 362904
 
Nothing like pay for performance...Dubaya's early lead fundraiser Ken Lay was a big believer in this too -- and he helped usher in this era of Enron style management (where the elites make money even if they lie to their stakeholders and run their companies into the ground)...;-)

-s2@NotSurprisingThatBushWasAFrequentGuestOnEnronCorporateJets.com



To: altair19 who wrote (123920)1/11/2008 3:26:35 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 362904
 
Kennedy Not Endorsing Soon

blogs.tnr.com



To: altair19 who wrote (123920)1/11/2008 3:28:24 PM
From: Sea Otter  Read Replies (3) | Respond to of 362904
 
He did a heckuva job, no doubt about it. But I agree, $115 million is a bit excessive. $100 million would have been a more appropriate sum, plus maybe an appointment to the Bush Library Trust.



To: altair19 who wrote (123920)1/11/2008 7:51:40 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 362904
 
Racial tensions roil Democratic race

dyn.politico.com

By: Ben Smith

January 11, 2008 06:41 PM EST

A series of comments from Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton, her husband and her supporters are spurring a racial backlash and adding a divisive edge to the presidential primary as the candidates head south to heavily African-American South Carolina.

The comments, which ranged from the New York senator appearing to diminish the role of Martin Luther King Jr. in the civil rights movement — an aide later said she misspoke — to Bill Clinton dismissing Sen. Barack Obama’s image in the media as a “fairy tale” — generated outrage on black radio, black blogs and cable television. And now they've drawn the attention of prominent African-American politicians.

“A cross-section of voters are alarmed at the tenor of some of these statements,” said Obama spokeswoman Candice Tolliver, who said that Clinton would have to decide whether she owed anyone an apology.

“There’s a groundswell of reaction to these comments — and not just these latest comments but really a pattern, or a series of comments that we’ve heard for several months,” she said. “Folks are beginning to wonder: Is this really an isolated situation, or is there something bigger behind all of this?”

Clinton supporters responded to that suggestion with their own outrage.

“To say that there is a pattern of racist comments coming out of the Hillary campaign is ridiculous,” said Ohio Rep. Stephanie Tubbs Jones. “All of the world knows the commitment of President Clinton and Sen. Clinton to civil rights issues — and not only the commitment in terms of words but in terms of deeds.”

Referring to the King quote, Sheila Jackson Lee, another Clinton supporter, said Clinton was trying to contrast King and Obama, not to diminish King: "It really is a question of focusing on the suggestion that you can inspire without deeds — what is well-known to the child who studies Dr. King in school is that yes, he spoke, but he also moved people to action."

But other black Clinton supporters found themselves wincing at the Clintons’ words, if not questioning their intent.

A Harlem-based consultant to the Clinton campaign, Bill Lynch, called the former president’s comments “a mistake” and said his own phone had been ringing with friends around the country voicing their concern.

“I’ve been concerned about some of those comments — and that there might be a backlash,” he said.

Illinois State Senate President Emil Jones, a prominent Obama supporter, echoed those sentiments.

"It’s very unfortunate that the president would make a statement like that," he said of Bill Clinton's criticism of Obama's experience, adding that the African-American community had "saved his presidency" after the Monica Lewinsky scandal.

"They owe the African-American community — not the reverse," he said. "Maybe Hillary and Bill should get behind Sen. Barack Obama."

Rep. Jesse Jackson Jr., through a spokesman, used even stronger language. "Following Barack Obama's victory in Iowa and historic voter turnout in New Hampshire, the cynics unfortunately have stepped up their efforts to decry his uplifting message of hope and fundamental change.

"Regrettably, they have resorted to distasteful and condescending language that appeals to our fears rather than our hopes. I sincerely hope that they'll turn away from such reactionary, disparaging rhetoric."

Many analysts think Clinton won New Hampshire on the back of a feminist backlash against criticism from her rivals and the media, and now, after his own defeat, it’s Obama’s turn. Race is particularly complicated turf this year, however, in a contest that features two towering figures who pride themselves for breaking racial barriers in American politics.

The first is Bill Clinton, sometimes referred to as “the first black president,” who now finds himself on the same uncertain ground as any other white politician speaking dismissively of an African-American rival.

He was expected to call in to the Rev. Al Sharpton’s radio show, which airs in South Carolina, Friday afternoon, to explain his “fairy tale” comment.

And the second is Obama, whose 1995 book — subtitled “A story of race and inheritance” — was hailed as one of the most astute examinations of race in America. He has played the question of race with remarkable dexterity in this campaign, leaving little doubt among African-Americans that he’s a member of their community, while delivering a message that excludes no one. To whites, he’s made clear that he’s a bearer of racial redemption, not racial grievance, even extending public absolution during a televised debate to a rival, Sen. Joe Biden, for past racially charged remarks. Tolliver said Obama had no personal reaction to Clinton’s remarks and was focused on his own message of “hope.” But he’s spoken in the past of the risk of falling into old narratives of racial division.

“I think America is still caught in a little bit of a time warp: The narrative of black politics is still shaped by the '60s and black power,” he told Newsweek this summer. “That is not, I think, how most black voters are thinking. I don't think that's how most white voters are thinking. I think that people are thinking about how to find a job, how to fill up the gas tank, how to send their kids to college. I find that when I talk about those issues, both blacks and whites respond well.”

Now, though, some of those old patterns are reasserting themselves.

The series of comments Clinton critics’ cite began in mid-December, when the chairman of Hillary Clinton’s New Hampshire campaign, Bill Shaheen, speculated about whether Obama had ever dealt drugs. In the final days of the New Hampshire campaign, however, the discomfort of some black observers intensified as Bill Clinton dismissed the contrast between Obama’s judgment on the war and Clinton’s as a “fairy tale” and spoke dismissively of his short time in the Senate. And the candidate herself, in an interview with Fox News, stressed the role of President Lyndon Johnson, over Martin Luther King Jr., in the civil rights movement.

“I would point to the fact that Dr. King's dream began to be realized when President Lyndon Johnson passed the Civil Rights Act of 1964, when he was able to get through Congress something that President Kennedy was hopeful to do, the president before had not even tried, but it took a president to get it done,” she said, in response to a question about how her dismissive attitude toward Obama’s “false hopes” would have applied to the civil rights movement. “That dream became a reality, the power of that dream became real in people's lives because we had a president who said we are going to do it and actually got it accomplished.”

An aide later said Clinton didn’t intend to diminish King, and later that day she went out of her way to stress his accomplishment and courage in leading a movement.

Then, when Obama lost New Hampshire, the first question on black media outlets like "The Tom Joyner Show" was whether white racism had defeated him, and when a Clinton supporter, New York Attorney General Andrew Cuomo, said — though not directly in connection to Obama — that politicians can’t “shuck and jive” in early-primary states, it only added fuel to the fire.

Thursday, a key player in black South Carolina politics, Rep. Jim Clyburn, told The New York Times he’d consider endorsing Obama in response to what he considered a lack of respect in the Clinton campaign’s approach to Obama.

“For him to go after Obama, using a ‘fairy tale,’ calling him as he did last week, it's an insult. And I will tell you, as an African-American, I find his tone and his words to be very depressing,” Donna Brazile, a longtime Clinton ally who is neutral in this race, said on CNN earlier this week.

Asked in an e-mail from Politico about the situation Friday, she responded by sending over links to five cases in which the Clintons and their surrogates talked about Obama, along with a question:
“Is Clinton using a race-baiting strategy against Obama?”

Brazile later said she wasn't intending to raise the question herself, just to pass on a question that was being asked by others.

The black blogosphere was even less diplomatic, with the widely read site MediaTakeOut calling Clinton’s comment on King “explosive” and the blog Jack and Jill Politics saying it “pretty much solidified the image that, whatever happened in the '90s, you are now some out-of-touch rich white folks.”

“There’s a concern about that kind of stuff — especially in the black community,” said Bill Perkins, a New York state senator who is among Obama’s leading supporters in Clinton’s home state. “The dynamic changed in New Hampshire, and all these little mistakes contribute to the general sense that this isn’t a mistake.”

Clinton’s supporters dismiss the hubbub as the Obama campaign’s strategy to woo African-American supporters in South Carolina.

“Some of the Obama people are clearly trying to use Hillary’s comments about Martin Luther King and distort them into something she did not say, which is outrageous,” said former Pennsylvania Rep. William Gray. “It’s a hot issue in South Carolina, and they’re spreading the word all over. I hope that the good senator will make sure that none of his people are doing that. We don’t need to have a debate about race or gender.”

Obama’s national spokesman, Bill Burton, wouldn’t comment on Gray’s assertion.

“Voters have to decide for themselves what they think about those comments,” he said.

Clinton’s campaign also released a statement from a deputy campaign manager, Bob Nash, defending the senator.

“The stress of the political season can lead people to say outlandish things, and we assume that this was the case here. With Dr. King’s birthday upon us, it’s important to keep in mind that his legacy is about the things that bring us together as one people,” he said.

But Lynch, the Clinton consultant who is advising Clinton’s South Carolina campaign, said he wouldn’t advise Clinton to fight on this terrain.

“The more you kind of defend it, the worse it gets,” said Lynch.



To: altair19 who wrote (123920)1/12/2008 2:42:21 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 362904
 
Obama's Rhetoric Captures Mood of the American Nation
____________________________________________________________

Our parliamentary sketch writer reflects on the Barack Obama phenomenon and contrasts the openness of the US contest with a British general election...

By Andrew Gimson
The Daily Telegraph
Saturday, January 12, 2008

Barack Obama enters the stage like a boxing champion in one of the lighter categories - thin, springy, and very, very quick. There are said to be 2,000 people in this sports hall in Jersey City, though I would have guessed there are twice as many.

But as Senator Obama strolls to and fro on the small platform, one hand holding the microphone close to his mouth, the other in his trouser pocket, he looks as relaxed as if every person in that room is an old and trusted friend.

I am here because, in my capacity as this newspaper's parliamentary sketch writer, I have been bundled on to a plane to Newark, New Jersey, to determine whether the Americans know something about holding elections that we do not.

I pointed out that I was going to miss Nick Clegg's debut at Prime Minister's Questions but the editor was more interested in Mr Obama, one Democrat who could yet - despite his setback in New Hampshire - derail Hillary Clinton.

Is Mr Obama a more brilliant and inspiring orator than any Westminster politician - even Mr Clegg?

And if so, how have the Americans managed to produce him?

You may, if you wish, dismiss what follows as the disorientating product of jet lag, but I have to say that Barack Hussein Obama, this man of Kenyan and Kansas parentage who grew up in Indonesia and Hawaii, is a speaker of genius.

The late, lamented Hugh Massingberd, of this paper, used to attract a degree of ridicule for going to see the same musicals over and over again, but I have to confess that I seized the chance to see Mr Obama twice, the second time being in the beautiful old town of Charleston, South Carolina. Just as those who love opera will do almost anything to hear a favoured singer, so those of us who value the art of rhetoric want to go and hear Mr Obama.

In Britain, public meetings have died out because our politicians are terrified of any kind of spontaneous contact with the public, or at least see no good coming of it. The party conferences offer a dreary pretence of mass democracy, but the aim of the speakers is not to entertain or uplift the audience, but to avoid saying anything that could be construed as a challenge to the party hierarchy.

Similar stage-management is in evidence in America - Mr Obama, for example, was surrounded by loyal supporters waving placards. This is perhaps why we dismiss American political rallies as infantile when we see the brief clips on television, given that they appear to consist mainly of grown men and women screaming their heads off while waving slogans of intolerable banality above their heads. In both New Jersey and South Carolina, I notice what seems to be the same middle-aged white man standing quite close behind Mr Obama, and applauding with absurd enthusiasm on every possible occasion. Perhaps he is hoping to get a job with the campaign, or already has one?

But large numbers of people at both these rallies are not like that. Many of them are ordinary members of the public who are intrigued and encouraged by Mr Obama, but have not yet decided whether they want him to become the next president. For them, Mr Obama's oratory is the deciding factor: his candidacy will live or die by it. Mrs Clinton has a machine, but Mr Obama only has a voice.

There is a parallel here to British politics. David Cameron was an outside candidate for the Tory leadership until he gave an unusually good speech. Last autumn he scuppered Gordon Brown's election plans by giving another. But Mr Cameron sounds muted and inhibited compared to Mr Obama, who is an astonishingly powerful speaker, putting to shame the world-weary cynics who yearn to pull him to pieces and exposing his listeners to the unexpected temptation to do the right thing.

What makes him so good? Biblical cadences come as naturally to him as if he were a great preacher: though this is not a quality which can adequately be illustrated by quotation, for his delivery is needed to make the words sing. He also has an extraordinary rapport with ordinary Americans, and an ability to articulate in a generous way their polite but burning anger at the state of their country.

As I queued to get into the rally, I spoke to some of the people waiting with patient civility outside. As far as sex, race and age were concerned, they were a diverse lot, though I could not help noticing that, like Mr Obama himself, they were almost all thin. They also tended to be united in their dislike of the political class, of the Iraq war, and of what they see as the politics of division pursued by President Bush.

Charles Hannon, who served in the US Navy in the Second World War and was waving a banner which said "Veterans for Obama", spoke for many at the New Jersey rally when he said: "It used to be a good country. We're going down the tubes. All our good jobs have gone overseas. It's all service jobs. The middle class is disappearing. All we're going to have is a rich class and a poor class."

The struggling American middle classes feel betrayed by Washington. As Mr Hannon put it: "People are tired of the old politics in this country, the old politicians, the corruption."

Ginny Ross, a software engineer at the Charleston rally, said: "Politicians are very self-serving, and I get the impression that Mr Obama is not. We need to have people in power in our country who are honest and good and do the right thing, without being pressurised by big business. I am 52-years-old and this is the first time I have ever been to a political rally."

Most of the candidates in this election are trying to express the public's disgust with conventional politicians, but most of them suffer from the difficulty that they are themselves seen as conventional politicians. Of no one is this more true than Mrs Clinton - despite her stunning turnaround in New Hampshire. It is not necessary to dislike her to see her as more of the same. In the words of Michael Griggs, a 52-year-old teacher who attended Mr Obama's rally in Charleston: "Hillary is old-school. She's pretty much like Bill. I like both of them - I voted for Bill. But I think if she wins it's going to be pretty much business as usual."

Business as usual is certainly not what Mr Obama is offering. He says that if he wins he will clear the lobbyists out of Washington, create affordable health care and education for all, and get the troops out of Iraq. But above all Mr Obama offers "hope" to his listeners - other politicians, he says, want him to spend longer in Washington so they can "season and stew him, and boil all the hope out of him".

This is where it becomes hardest of all to try to convey some idea of him to British readers. Even in America, "hope" can sound quite a nebulous concept. But Mr Obama insists that "in the unlikely story that is America, there's never been anything false about hope".

Here is one of the most sympathetic things about Mr Obama: his pride in the American tradition. At heart, America remains an 18th century republic, and as such is far more old-fashioned than Britain. In America, it is still quite natural to express an unabashed patriotism.

It is very easy to scoff at the Americans when they fall into their periodical fits of optimistic moralising, as if the world could ever be made perfect. But after hearing Mr Obama speak beneath the venerable oak trees at the College of Charleston, founded in 1770, I went into St Michael's Church, built in 1752, and came upon an inscription in memory of the Hon Henry Deas (1770-1846), who played a leading role in the politics of South Carolina and of whom it is said: "With earnest patriotism and enlightened devotion to constitutional liberty, he zealously engaged in eventful political measures [and] by his graceful, earnest and persuasive eloquence and by the moral force of a pure and elevated character exerted a prominent influence in public affairs."

That is the tradition which Mr Obama is trying to carry forward, and which many Americans want to see upheld against the Clinton juggernaut. What are his chances of success? He may well get run over by Mrs Clinton. But the system of primaries, which can seem so wearisomely protracted even to some Americans, has at least given him the chance to stand in her way.



To: altair19 who wrote (123920)1/12/2008 9:48:58 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 362904
 
Don’t underestimate the power of an inspiring speech

projo.com

01:00 AM EST on Sunday, January 13, 2008

He lost New Hampshire, but election night, Obama still gave the better address.

Just as he had a few days before in Iowa after the voting there.

They’ve been described as among the most stirring political speeches in years. It’s partly why Barack Obama is now a major candidate for president.

That’s what oratory can do.

At the same time, many are skeptical of that very trait.

Hillary Clinton said it’s not enough to be able to give an impressive speech. Others have agreed. A good president needs to be about things like experience and executive skills. Pretty words are fine, they say, but far more, the office demands a master of policy with a proven record and consistent vision.

True enough.

But a great leader needs eloquence as well.

So today, I’d like to stand up not so much for Obama personally, but for the importance of oratory in political life.

To those who say that leadership is not about inspiring a crowd, I’d say look at history.

Admittedly, a competent figure can lead well without soaring prose. Many of our presidents, governors and mayors have done so.

But few have led greatly.

For that, you do need to be able to speak in a way that stirs peoples’ hearts.

One of my favorite books is William Manchester’s The Last Lion, a biography of Winston Churchill. Manchester makes the argument that although Churchill had an extraordinary background, so did other Englishmen who might have been picked as prime minister during the dark hours at the start of World War II, when the rest of Europe had collapsed before the Nazis. What made Churchill one of the century’s preeminent leaders was his oratory.

As Manchester wrote, another politician might have said at the time: “Our policy is to continue the struggle; all resources will be mobilized.”

Churchill put it this way: “We shall fight on the beaches, we shall fight on the landing grounds, we shall fight in the fields and in the streets, we shall fight in the hills; we shall never surrender.”

Manchester argues that it wasn’t just that such words made people feel moved while hearing them, it’s that Churchill’s eloquence had as tangible an impact — more so really — than even a legislative initiative. Manchester impressively explains the power of an eloquent politician. Speaking of the demoralized British populace, he writes:

“The spirit, if indeed within them, lay dormant until Churchill became prime minister and they, kindled by his soaring prose, came to see themselves as he saw them and emerged a people transformed.”

I am hardly here to say Barack Obama is an American Churchill.

But those trying to dismiss him as simply a good talker are dismissing oratory itself, and in so doing, they miss a key element of greatness.

If you think about our most admired presidents, almost all were known for having a powerful gift for words.

Thomas Jefferson had it. So did Lincoln, Franklin Roosevelt and John F. Kennedy.

Certainly, Pearl Harbor all but forced America to enter World War II, but instead of simply announcing that we had been attacked, Roosevelt spoke of “a date which will live in infamy” — words that tangibly galvanized America’s resolve even more.

Leaders who don’t grasp such power, or try to dismiss it, may well prove to be policy successes but could miss the opportunity to stir a consensus around momentous endeavors. It was the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.’s oratory that stirred a movement that led to a new era in civil rights, and John Kennedy’s that helped fire up the Peace Corps and a new patriotism when he said, “And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country.” It wouldn’t have worked as well had he said, “I’d like to see more people volunteer.”

I’m mindful, of course, that plenty of great orators, like Adolf Hitler, have led peoples toward evil.

I’m mindful, too, that you need more than a gift behind the podium, or television preachers would all be getting 37 percent in the New Hampshire primary.

But let’s remember, too, that voters gauge candidates on far lesser traits. When Hillary Clinton warns against voting for Obama just because he speaks convincingly, she should know that many voted for her because she choked up convincingly. Frankly, I understand why some did — voters should indeed measure candidates by their hearts.

But by their voices, too.

These folks are not running for chief policy adviser, but for president.

You can be a good one by passing initiatives.

To be a great one, you need a voice that moves a nation.



To: altair19 who wrote (123920)1/13/2008 2:03:15 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 362904
 
Obama Playbook Recalls Patrick Campaign

ap.google.com



To: altair19 who wrote (123920)11/3/2008 11:44:17 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 362904
 
Campaigns in a Web 2.0 World
_______________________________________________________________

By DAVID CARR and BRIAN STELTER
The New York Times
November 3, 2008

Shortly after 9 a.m. on Oct. 19, Colin Powell endorsed Barack Obama for president during the taping of “Meet the Press” on NBC. Within minutes, the video was on the Web.

But the clip was not rushed onto YouTube; it was MSNBC.com, the network’s sister entity online, that showed the video hours before television viewers on the West Coast could watch the interview for themselves.

Old media, apparently, can learn new media tricks. Not since 1960, when John F. Kennedy won in part because of the increasingly popular medium of television, has changing technology had such an impact on the political campaigns and the organizations covering them.

For many viewers, the 2008 election has become a kind of hybrid in which the dividing line between online and off, broadcast and cable, pop culture and civic culture, has been all but obliterated.

Many of the media outlets influencing the 2008 election simply were not around in 2004. YouTube did not exist, and Facebook barely reached beyond the Ivy League. There was no Huffington Post to encourage citizen reporters, so Mr. Obama’s comment about voters clinging to guns or religion may have passed unnoticed. These sites and countless others have redefined how many Americans get their political news.

When viewers settle in Tuesday night to watch the election returns, they will also check text messages for alerts, browse the Web for exit poll results and watch videos distributed by the campaigns. And many folks will let go of the mouse only to pick up the remote and sample an array of cable channels with election coverage — from Comedy Central to BBC America.

But as NBC’s decision to release the Powell clip early shows, the networks and their newspaper counterparts have not simply waited to be overtaken. Instead, they have made specific efforts to engage audiences with interactive features, allowing their content to be used in unanticipated ways, and in many efforts, breaking out of the boundaries of the morning paper and the evening newscast.

“Old media outlets — the networks, the newspapers — learned a lot of lessons from the last cycle and didn’t allow others to own the online space this time,” said Rick Klein, the senior political reporter for ABC News.

Some of those lessons have been painful. Consider what has changed since the last presidential election. Four years ago, the network news operations were still the go-to source on election night, with a total audience of 38 million in prime time, compared with 17 million for the three cable news channels. On Tuesday, the ratings race will surely be tighter. On a historic night in August, when a black man became the first endorsed candidate of a major political party, the biggest audience of all belonged to CNN.

“Some of this began back in 2006, but I think that cable news has transformed the way that elections are covered,” said David Bohrman, the Washington bureau chief for CNN. “I don’t think networks are irrelevant, but network news is less relevant than it has been.”

But those who suggest that 2008 is a postnetwork affair should consider that, it was Gov. Sarah Palin’s interview with Katie Couric, the anchor of the “CBS Evening News,” and her impersonation by Tina Fey on NBC’s “Saturday Night Live,” that defined her in the public imagination. When Senator Obama’s campaign sought to make one last push with a 30-minute infomercial, it bought time on three major networks, using money harvested on one platform — the Web — to buy time on another — broadcast television.

“We should be careful of these zero-sum games where the new media drives out the old,” said Andrew Heyward, a former president of CBS News who consults for the Monitor Group. “I think what we see is growing sophistication about making the channels work together effectively.”

The Republicans have made a habit of running against the media in elections past. This year, the mainstream media found itself at times running against both parties. Perhaps drawing on Mr. Obama’s background as a community organizer, his campaign decided early on to build a social network that would flank, and in some cases outflank, traditional news media.

With a Facebook group that had 2.3 million adherents and a huge push on YouTube — last week alone, the campaign uploaded 70 videos, many of them tailored to battleground states — the campaign used peer-to-peer communication to build a juggernaut that did not depend on the whims and choices of the media’s collective brain trust.

The campaign mined its online community not just for money, but for content. A video titled “Four Days in Denver” about the Obama campaign had the kind of access that journalists would kill for, including the candidate working over his acceptance speech with a staff member and showing the family backstage making ready for their moment in the spotlight.

It looked like a big-time network get, but it was produced by the campaign itself.

“We’re constantly experimenting with videos,” said Joe Rospars, Mr. Obama’s new-media director. In fact, the most popular videos on BarackObama.com weren’t TV ads; they were biographical and Web-only spots.

Mr. McCain, in part because he appealed to a less digital demographic, made sparser use of the Web, but Republicans were not immune to the charms of new media. The Web never forgets, giving new life to old video, like those showing sometimes-inflammatory sermons by the Rev. Jeremiah Wright.

“No one knows the impact of quasi-permanency on the Web yet, but it surely has changed the political world,” said Allan Louden, a professor who teaches a course on digital politics at Wake Forest University. “The role of gatekeepers and archivists have been dispersed to everyone with Internet access.”

And late last month, the McCain campaign solicited users to come up with their own Joe the Plumber videos and showed the results on its Web site.

“I think that this time around, campaigns got used to the fact that anything that they put out there could be pirated, remixed, mashed-up and recirculated,” said Henry Jenkins, a professor at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. “It is a much more rapid environment.”

Raw footage of political speeches — which no network except C-Span considers hot content — racked up huge numbers. With 5 million views since March, Mr. Obama’s 37-minute speech about race is the most popular video on his YouTube channel.

To compete, major media companies had to change how they produced their coverage. Before almost every big interview — like ABC’s interview with John Edwards about his extramarital affair — the networks released excerpts on their Web sites.

“SNL” videos proved to be particularly popular online; Ms. Fey’s impressions were viewed more than 50 million times. “The idea that something can be seen more online than on TV, and arguably have more influence that way, is a tipping point,” Mr. Heyward said.

Politically oriented video, much of it topical and much of the juicier bits lifted from network programming, is everywhere on the Web. YouTube videos mentioning either Mr. Obama or Mr. McCain have been viewed 2.3 billion times, according to the measurement firm TubeMogul. A Pew Research Center survey conducted in October found that 39 percent of registered voters had watched campaign videos online.

“What is striking here is not the dominance of any one medium, but the integration of various channels,” said Lee Rainie, the director of the Pew Internet & American Life Project. By the time the conventions rolled around, some networks realized the game had changed. Ms. Couric christened her own YouTube channel and was turned loose in Web extras. But network news divisions are expensive operations based on a television business model. They can’t be run on the relatively small money that online advertising draws but they can’t compete for audiences if they ignore the Web.

“At a time when almost anyone can check voter turnout in certain neighborhoods in Cuyahoga County, I don’t think everyone is going to sit there and wait to be spoon-fed the election results in the order Brian Williams thinks is appropriate,” said Joan Walsh, the editor of Salon, referring to a closely watched county in Ohio.

Given the profound change in the media landscape in just four years, in 2012, voters will be following the election through news sites that have not been invented on platforms that cannot be anticipated. “There will be a lot more of me in 2012,” said Mayhill Fowler, the blogger for The Huffington Post who publicized Senator Obama’s “bitter” remarks.

Perhaps the only thing that could be predicted with any reliability is that, viewers who now watch cable news on a set that looks like the desktop — running streams of data framing the main page — while streaming video on a nearby laptop will probably be watching just one screen that can do all of those things.

“There was a palpable hunger for information and data about this election that has nothing to do with media,” said Mark Jurkowitz of the Project for Excellence in Journalism. “Nobody reports, you decide.”