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To: American Spirit who wrote (75836)1/11/2008 8:33:39 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Thomas denounces smear campaign against UCC’s largest congregation

ucc.org

Written by J. Bennett Guess

January 11, 2008

A ramped-up smear campaign against the UCC's largest congregation and U.S. Sen. Barack Obama's home church — Trinity UCC in Chicago — has raised the ire of the Rev. John H. Thomas, the UCC's general minister and president, who called the e-mail-driven claims "absurd, mean-spirited and politically motivated."

"Our national offices in Cleveland, as well as other settings of the UCC, have been forwarded countless e-mails that obviously derive from a similar source," Thomas said. "They contain misleading statements obviously meant to undermine the integrity of one of our most vibrant, mission-driven congregations."

Thomas said, while it's not his intent to come to the aid of Obama or any presidential candidate, he does feel it's imperative that "absurd, mean-spirited and politically-motivated attacks against one of our UCC churches be challenged forthrightly."

Obama, who is seeking the Democratic nomination for president, has been a member of Trinity UCC for 20 years.

Since Obama won the Iowa caucuses on Jan. 3, a flurry of e-mail messages with identical language and sentiment began circulating across the internet, claiming that Trinity UCC was a "racist" congregation because of its long-stated church motto: "Unashamedly Black, Unapologetically Christian."

"Trinity UCC is rooted in and proud of its Afrocentric heritage," Thomas said. "This is no different than the hundreds of UCC churches from the German Evangelical and Reformed stream that continue to own and celebrate their German heritage, insisting on annual sausage and sauerkraut dinners and singing Stille Nacht on Christmas Eve. Recognizing and celebrating our distinctive racial-ethnic heritages, cultures, languages and customs are what make us unique as a united and uniting denomination."

While Trinity UCC is predominately African American, it does include and welcome non-Black members. The Rev. Jane Fisler-Hoffman, Illinois Conference Minister, who is white, has been a member of the congregation for years.

"Trinity is a destination church for many members of the UCC, a multi-racial, multi-cultural denomination that is largely Caucasian," Thomas pointed out. "When in Chicago, many UCC members flock to Trinity to share in and learn from its vibrant ministries, dynamic worship and justice-minded membership. Contrary to the claims made in these hateful emails, UCC members know Trinity to be one of the most welcoming, hospitable and generous congregations in our denomination."

Trinity UCC was founded in 1961. Ten years later, when the Rev. Jeremiah A. Wright became its pastor, the church had 87 families. Today, Trinity UCC has more than 8,000 members, 70 ministries and three Sunday worship services.

Trinity UCC is also the largest congregational contributor to Our Church's Wider Mission, the UCC's common purse for regional, national and international ministries.

While the circulating emails are written to appear as if they are coming from a groundswell of persons, with different names and email addresses, each uses nearly identical language, makes similar claims and even manages to make the same mistakes. For example, each makes introductory reference to "Trinity Church of Christ" instead of "Trinity United Church of Christ."

"It's clear that someone is using the internet to give the appearance of widespread concern and, thus, to hopefully create traction for this absurd story," Thomas said.

About the UCC

Formed by name in 1957 by the union of the Congregational Christian Churches in America and the [German] Evangelical and Reformed Church, the UCC's roots in American history are deep. Eleven signers of the Declaration of Independence were from UCC traditions, and a full 10 percent of present-day UCC congregations were formed prior to 1776.

Many UCC churches trace their founding to the early 1600s, when the Pilgrims and Puritans first came to America. These Congregationalists, as they became known, sought religious independence from persecuting political authorities in Europe. They believed firmly in local church autonomy, covenantal church life, personal piety and the priesthood of all believers.

Today, the UCC holds firmly to these early religious tenets. Often recognized for its historical and contemporary social justice commitments, its present-day approach to worship, however, might be considered traditional by most standards.

Interestingly, the U.S. Congregational Life Survey, published in 2002, found that UCC members, slightly more than members of other mainline denominations, listed traditional hymns and biblically-sound preaching as being essential to good worship. Surprising to some, the same study also found that slightly more UCC members self-identified as conservative rather than liberal a tidbit that President Calvin Coolidge, a conservative Republican and the nation's only Congregationalist president (1923-1929), might have found interesting.

Although each congregation's liturgical style is influenced by its heritage and members preferences, as is true in most mainline denominations, the UCC, as one pastor aptly put it, is known for its "beautiful, heady and exasperating" mix.

Known for arriving early on social justice issues, the church's history includes being the first to practice democracy in church governance (1630), the first to ordain an African-American pastor (1785), the first to ordain a woman (1853), the first to ordain an openly gay man (1972), and the first to support same-gender marriage equality (2005).

In 1773, Old South UCC in Boston helped inspire the Boston Tea Party and, in 1777, Old Zion Reformed UCC in Allentown, Pa., hid the Liberty Bell from occupying British forces.

Hundreds of schools including Harvard, Yale, Dartmouth, Howard, Fisk, Wellesley, Smith and Oberlin owe their beginnings to the UCC. The UCC's publishing company, The Pilgrim Press, is the oldest publisher of books in North America.

Obama and his family live in Chicago's Hyde Park neighborhood, which is home to Chicago Theological Seminary, one of the UCC's seven seminaries and the city's oldest institution of higher education.

Largely regarded as a northern church, about 80 percent of UCC members are clustered in the Northeast and industrial Midwest. The UCC is the largest Protestant church in New England, the birthplace of Congregationalism, and it has more than 700 churches in Pennsylvania, the heart of the German Reformed tradition. The UCC is also strong in New York, Missouri, Florida, Hawaii and the Pacific West Coast.

In Iowa and New Hampshire, two states with early Presidential contests, the UCC has 188 and 138 congregations respectively.

In recent years, the UCC has posted growth in the South. The denominations second largest church, the 5,500-member Victory UCC near Atlanta, affiliated with the UCC in 2002. The UCCs fourth-largest, the 4,300-member Cathedral of Hope UCC in Dallas, Texas, joined in 2006, as did churches in Memphis and Nashville, Tenn.; Montgomery, Ala.; and Columbia, S.C., among other places.

Last year, the UCC launched its national Nehemiah Project with plans to start or welcome at least 250 new southern churches within five years.

While Obama is the only UCC candidate in the 2008 presidential election, the 2004 campaign included two UCC members, both Democrats. Former Vermont Gov. Howard Dean, now chair of the Democratic Party, is a member of First Congregational UCC in Burlington, Vt., and then U.S. Senator Bob Graham is a member of Miami Lakes Congregational UCC in Florida.

The current U.S. Congress includes 10 UCC members five Republicans and five Democrats.

Five U.S. Senators are UCC: Daniel Akaka (D-Hawaii), Max Baucus (D-Mont.), Judd Gregg (R-N.H.), Amy Klobuchar (D-Minn.) and Obama.

Five House seats are occupied by UCC members: Thelma Drake (R-Va.), Mark Kirk (R-Ill.), Jim Ramstad (R-Minn.), Fred Upton (R-Mich.) and Lynn Woolsey (D-Calif.).

Other notable UCC members include New Jersey Gov. Jon Corzine (D); former U.S. Sen. Jim Jeffords (I-Vt.); actress Lynn Redgrave; current U.S. Poet Laureate Donald Hall; Pulitzer-prize-winning newspaper columnists Connie Schultz (and wife of U.S. Sen. Sherrod Brown of Ohio) and Leonard Pitts Jr.; and Marilynne Robinson, the Pulitzer-prize-winning author of Gilead.

The Rev. Andrew Young former congressman, U.N. ambassador and Atlanta mayor is an ordained UCC minister, who began his Civil Rights activism working for the UCC.

The late Rev. William Sloane Coffin, the legendary social activist who became immortalized as the pastor in Gary Trudeau's Doonesbury comic strip, had ministerial standing in the UCC and served as pastor of the UCC's Riverside Church in New York.

The Rev. Reinhold Niebuhr, a UCC minister considered to be one of greatest Christian theologians of the 20th century, authored the now-famous Serenity Prayer.



To: American Spirit who wrote (75836)1/11/2008 8:57:05 PM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
Fate of Edwards' Supporters Could Be Key
______________________________________________________________

By NANCY BENAC – 01/11/07

WASHINGTON (AP) — Democrat John Edwards placed second in Iowa, third in New Hampshire and faces even longer odds of pulling off a win in upcoming states.

But he still attracts the support of as many as 20 percent of Democratic voters in national polls. And where those Edwardians turn next if their first choice for president exits the race could well be the determining factor in who claims the Democratic nomination.

"Every time somebody drops out of a race when it's close, where they go is important," says Jenny Backus, a Democratic consultant who is not working for any candidate. And Edwards' supporters, she says, "are even more priceless than your average jewel."

That's because this year's race is so competitive, and Edwards' supporters are viewed as loyal and dependable voters who will actually turn out on Election Day.

Barack Obama, with his outsider's message of change, looks like a logical second choice for those attracted to Edwards' pledge to fight special interests and corporate greed.

Indeed, Edwards voters in Iowa favored Obama over Clinton as their second choice by a nearly two-to-one margin in caucus-night surveys. And Edwards supporters in New Hampshire reported they had a far more favorable impression of Obama than of Clinton, according election-night surveys there.

Donald Wood, a 52-year-old one-time Edwards supporter from Merrill, Wis., fits that profile. Now that Edwards' presidential prospects look dim, he's leaning toward Obama.

"I think it's time for this country to have a change," Wood said in explaining his new interest in Obama. "With the troubles and everything that the Clintons had before, I don't think the country needs those problems any more."

Consultant Backus says that while Edwards voters are sure to find some of the same qualities that they like when they take a look at Obama, "there is definitely an opening for Hillary Clinton to exploit" as she pivots toward economic issues that hold appeal for populist-oriented Edwards supporters.

Democratic pollster Peter Hart said Obama has the easier sell to Edwards voters because of "a greater overlap of convergence" in the two candidates' messages, but he nonetheless views Edwards' voters as up for grabs if he drops out.

"People are supporting John Edwards for a lot of different reasons," Hart said. "It's not just based on an issue or a set of ideas. So I think it's a jump ball."

Unlike some past elections, where Democratic constituencies were sharply divided over candidates — Jimmy Carter vs. Teddy Kennedy for example — this time all the leading candidates are favorably viewed by a wide swath of the party's voters, Hart said. That makes it easier for people to shift from one candidate to another.

On the Democratic side, he said, "there just isn't the rigid ideology that often shapes a race."

Imogene Ragan, a 61-year-old from Huntington Beach, Calif., showed it's more than message that will determine where voters' loyalties lie. She said she's backing Edwards because of "his presence" and because he seems to be honest. She said she might shift to Clinton if Edwards leaves the race, in part because Obama "seems more like a politician than a person."

A mid-December survey of voters nationally conducted for the AP and Yahoo News found that Edwards supporters split about evenly between Clinton and Obama when asked which candidate would be their second choice. Clinton and Obama each were the second choices of about 27 percent of Edwards supporters. Another 28 percent were unsure who would be their second choice, and the rest were thinly scattered among other candidates.

Edwards draws much of his support from people over 50 and those without a college education, the survey found. His voters are more likely to be men than women, and a third are evangelical Christians — a much larger share than among Clinton or Obama voters.

Steve Jarding, a lecturer at Harvard who ran Edwards' political action committee for a year, said Edwards voters won't automatically switch to Obama even if Obama's message is perceived to be more in synch with that of Edwards. The deciding factor instead may be which candidate is seen as more likely to prevail in November, he said.

"When you support a candidate and they don't win, there's just as much chance that then you say, 'I'll go with somebody who can win. I went with my heart, now I want to go with my head,'" Jarding said.

Two decades ago, Jarding said, voters rarely cast their ballots based on a strategic choice about who was most electable. Now, he says, particularly after chafing through eight years of the Bush administration and feeling burned by the loss of John Kerry in 2004, Democrats are saying, "We've got to win."

The allure of the Edwards voters will not be lost on Clinton or Obama. No doubt either would love to have Edwards' endorsement if the time comes, although it's not clear how much weight that carries with voters.

For now, the two must tread carefully to court the Edwardians without offending them while their candidate still is in the race.

"You don't want to start negotiations before the patient's taken off life support," said Jarding.

Hosted by Copyright © 2008 The Associated Press.



To: American Spirit who wrote (75836)1/12/2008 2:23:43 PM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
Edwards Will Face a Moment of Truth After South Carolina Primary

washingtonpost.com

By Dan Balz
Washington Post Staff Writer
Saturday, January 12, 2008; A08

John Edwards is the forgotten man in the race for the Democratic nomination, but he's not an inconsequential candidate.

Edwards, the angry populist of Iowa who may become a Southern-fried Democrat as the South Carolina primary unfolds, has a critical decision ahead. How long can, or should, he keep his candidacy going?

In a largely two-person race between Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton, it's clear where Edwards's sentiments lie. If he can't be the nominee, he strongly prefers Obama.

If there were any doubt, his performance in the Jan. 5 New Hampshire debate answered that question definitively. Edwards leaped to Obama's defense when Clinton raised doubts about him -- aggressively challenging the New York senator as a creature of a frightened status quo.

"I didn't hear these kinds of attacks from Senator Clinton when she was ahead," he said. "Now that she's not, we hear them. And anytime you speak out -- anytime you speak out for change, this is what happens."

Edwards has played that role before, although not quite so explicitly. Trained in the combat of the courtroom, he is a more natural debater than Obama -- and more naturally confrontational, too. He has used the debates effectively to keep himself in the thick of the dialogue, even though he generally trails well behind Clinton and Obama in the polls.

Edwards put everything on the line in Iowa, a state that was a must-win contest for him. He was able to keep his campaign going largely because he managed to beat Clinton by a whisker for second place. The shift of a few votes would have reversed the order between the two, and he would have been history.

His New Hampshire performance was far more disappointing. He and his wife, Elizabeth, had worked the state far harder than they did in 2004 and built an organization superior to that of four years ago. In the end, it did him little good, and he finished a distant third. Still, he vowed to keep going.

"I want to be absolutely clear to all of you who have been devoted to this cause," he said Tuesday night, "and I want to be clear to the 99 percent of Americans who have not yet had the chance to have their voices heard, that I am in this race to the convention, that I intend to be the nominee of my party."

That pledge notwithstanding, Edwards has two weeks to think about the future. He is certainly in the race through Nevada and South Carolina, the next two contests on the calendar, and at least one reason to keep going that long is that he is likely to be a help to Obama in the Palmetto State.

Obama and Clinton have competed heavily for the African American vote in South Carolina, and the Clinton campaign fears that Obama will now win the majority of that vote, perhaps a sizable majority.

Clinton's chances of winning would depend on the white vote, but as long as Edwards is running, she would have to split it. That alone was one reason that, before Clinton unexpectedly won in New Hampshire, her advisers were seriously considering skipping the state.

After South Carolina, the choices become more difficult for Edwards. He could begin to hurt Obama as much as he hurts Clinton, particularly with some of those change-oriented voters who are disinclined to support Clinton.

Edwards has offended many Democrats with his candidacy. They question his authenticity and see his shift from optimism to anger as the sign of an opportunistic politician. He and his most loyal supporters argue that that's not the case, that the Edwards of 2008 is a reflection of a changed country and his and his wife's changed personal situation.

Edwards had hoped that a Clinton loss in New Hampshire would have effectively ended her candidacy, leaving him a chance to have a fight for the nomination with Obama over how best to change the political culture of Washington and the nation. Her victory robbed him of any real likelihood of that happening.

Clinton and Obama are committed to a fight for states and delegates through Feb. 5. After that, it's anybody's guess whether the race will be decided or headed for a war of attrition. But Edwards is not financially equipped to fight anything approaching a long war.

His aides always said that his only realistic hope for the nomination was to win Iowa, survive New Hampshire and then win Nevada and South Carolina. In a year that has proved prognosticators wrong, Edwards may think there is still a path for him. But against two opponents as skilled and as well-financed as Clinton and Obama, the space for an underfunded Edwards, particularly an Edwards who hasn't won a contest, diminishes rapidly.

No candidate in the heat of a campaign can see his or her way through these questions with any clarity. They are focused on the moment -- the next debate, the next ad, the next contest. That may be where Edwards is now.

But Edwards is someone who never stops thinking about strategy -- and he has a remarkable ability to analyze the state of play with a clear eye. That indicates he is thinking about what happens after South Carolina. If he concludes he cannot be the nominee, what will he conclude about the role he wants to play -- if any -- to influence the eventual outcome? That's why he should not be forgotten.