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To: TigerPaw who wrote (75912)1/13/2008 11:42:09 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
COLUMN: Obama combines hope and substance

insidevandy.com

Submitted by on 01-13-08, 10:25 pm

by Mark Melasky*

While it is the official position of the College Democrats to remain neutral in primary elections, we feel that it is important to examine the qualifications of the frontrunners as we approach the Tennessee Primary. This column will focus on Sen. Barack Obama, winner of the Iowa caucus.

Barack Obama captured national attention with his powerful speech at the 2004 Democratic Convention. He told us his fairytale of success. He told us about how his father was raised in a village in Kenya and got a scholarship to study in America. He told us about how his dad left, and he was raised by his mother's white family. In his book he talks about using drugs to make him forget his ethnic identity crisis. However, throughout all of this, he was able to graduate from Columbia University and Harvard Law School.

Overcoming extreme adversity to become a U.S. senator is impressive, but it does not earn a free pass to a presidential nomination. In his 2004 speech he asked, "Do we participate in a politics of cynicism, or do we participate in a politics of hope?" This is why Obama is different. For the past eight years this country has been deeply divided. Campaigns have been based on the fear of terrorism and the disapproval of gays. George W. Bush sank John Kerry's swiftboat. To hear a candidate speak about change, hope and belief in ourselves is a nice change of pace.

Obama’s campaign platform is not based on false hopes and idealism. He intends to remove all of our combat brigades from Iraq within 16 months. He wants to reduce carbon emissions by 80 percent, invest in a clean energy future, achieve oil independence and restore U.S. leadership on climate change. His healthcare plan, which is similar to the plan of Congress members, focuses on offering affordable health insurance to every American regardless of illness or pre-existing conditions. I encourage you to visit his Web site for detailed solutions on many more issues.

There have been questions about whether people would vote for him because of his youth or skin color. Voters in Iowa and New Hampshire have answered them. He is also beating every Republican candidate in national polls. After soundly passing his first tests in the national spotlight, Barack Obama has demonstrated his ability to reach voters. It is the opinion of this columnist that he would make an outstanding president.

If you are interested in working with the Obama campaign, an office was opened in Nashville over the break at 1940 Air Lane Drive. Their number is 615-250-7837.

*Mark Melasky is a senior in Engineering and President of Vanderbilt College Democrats.



To: TigerPaw who wrote (75912)1/14/2008 12:24:58 AM
From: American Spirit  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
No, Hillary was ahead for the get go. watched everything. Not a single network exit poller reported anything abnormal. I support John Edwards not Hillary.



To: TigerPaw who wrote (75912)1/15/2008 12:10:15 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
In Obama’s Pursuit of Latinos, Race Plays Role
_____________________________________________________________

By ADAM NAGOURNEY and JENNIFER STEINHAUER
THE NEW YORK TIMES
January 15, 2008

LAS VEGAS — Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton has eaten beef tacos in East Los Angeles and sat on the living room couch of a working-class family in a largely Hispanic neighborhood here for 30 televised minutes. At a rally of the culinary workers’ union in the shadows of the Strip here one night, Senator Barack Obama pumped his fist and chanted with the crowd, “¡Sí, se puede; sí, se puede; sí, se puede!” or, “Yes, we can!”

As the Democratic candidates have moved from courting the overwhelmingly white voters of Iowa and New Hampshire to an expanse of 25 contests facing them in the next few weeks, they confront an electorate that is increasingly Hispanic, in Nevada, California and New York.

Although the two candidates aggressively court those voters, who could be vital for Democrats this year and for years to come, the challenge is especially complex for Mr. Obama. It arises as Mrs. Clinton sought to tamp down reaction from Obama supporters to remarks she had made about the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.

Mr. Obama confronts a history of often uneasy and competitive relations between blacks and Hispanics, particularly as they have jockeyed for influence in cities like Chicago, Los Angeles and New York.

“Many Latinos are not ready for a person of color,” Natasha Carrillo, 20, of East Los Angeles, said. “I don’t think many Latinos will vote for Obama. There’s always been tension in the black and Latino communities. There’s still that strong ethnic division. I helped organize citizenship drives, and those who I’ve talked to support Clinton.”

Javier Perez, 30, a former marine, said older Hispanics like his grandmother tended to resist more the notion of supporting an African-American, a trend that he said was changing with younger Hispanics.

“She just became a citizen five years ago,” Mr. Perez said. “Unfortunately, that will play a role in her vote. I do think race will play a part in her decision.”

Mrs. Clinton’s circle of advisers includes New Yorkers steeped in that history. On her first trip after her victory in New Hampshire, Mrs. Clinton flew here, where she was escorted on a tour by prominent Hispanic leaders, including Henry G. Cisneros, a former secretary of housing and urban development, on the “Juntos con Hillary, Una Vida Mejor” tour or “Together With Hillary, a Better Life.”

From here, she flew to a Mexican-American enclave, the East Los Angeles neighborhood, to eat at King Taco, ordered in Spanish by Mayor Antonio R. Villaraigosa, who has emerged as an important supporter.

In Chicago, Mr. Obama was successful in rallying Hispanics to his side and bridging differences with black voters. His success in repeating that is critical.

In 2004, Hispanics accounted for 16 percent of the vote in the California primary; 11 percent in New York, 17 percent in Arizona and 9 percent in Florida. Should he win the presidential nomination, his success at overcoming the history between the two groups will be critical as the Democrats approach an election in which they are looking to lock up the Hispanic vote for decades to come.

As he campaigned in northern Nevada, Mr. Obama acknowledged the challenges he faced.

“I think it’s important for us to get my record known before the Latino community,” he told reporters. “My history is excellent with Latino supporters back in Illinois, because they knew my record.

“Nationally, people don’t know that record quite as well. So it’s very important for me to communicate that, to advertise on Spanish-speaking television, to make clear my commitments.”

Relations between blacks and Latinos vary from place to place and have evolved over the years. Mr. Villaraigosa lost his first effort to become mayor, in 2001, to a white, Kenneth Hahn, who won 80 percent of the black vote. In a rematch in 2005, Mr. Villaraigosa was elected with 50 percent of the black vote.

Mr. Villaraigosa said he did not think that Mrs. Clinton’s strength among Hispanics was a product of tensions between the two groups.

“From my vantage point,” he said Monday, “the strength that Hillary Clinton enjoys among Latinos has everything to do with her track record and her longstanding relationship with that community. I think there are tensions among all groups.”

Gov. Bill Richardson of New Mexico, who just dropped his own campaign to become the first Latino president, said that the rivalry between the two groups had eased and that Mr. Obama could transcend many of the differences as he approached Feb. 5, “what I call the Hispanic primary day.”

“I think most of the Hispanic-African-American issues has been in the Northwest over urban issues,” Mr. Richardson said.

He said he might endorse a candidate before Feb. 5, an endorsement that would clearly influence some Hispanics.

If attitudes are shifting, they are moving slowly as so many racial assumptions are challenged.

The Rev. Al Sharpton of New York, who has been on the front line of many of the black-Latino battles in New York politics, said the tension would be a problem for Mr. Obama across the country and in New York, which also votes on Feb. 5. He said Mr. Obama would be at a disadvantage because of his choice to be a “race-neutral candidate.”

“It’s going to be a challenge that he has got to deal with,” Mr. Sharpton said. “There’s a natural history, and we’ve made some progress. But he has not been part of those efforts to make progress.”

In California, Mr. Obama has won backing from Latino lawmakers, some of whom had supwinning rank-and-file voters will be hard, said the State Senate majority leader, Gloria Romero, Democrat of East Los Angeles.

“Do we have a long way to go?” she asked. “Absolutely. I think there are some tensions on questions of immigration and jobs. But I believe that we have moved forward in a way that the community will embrace an African-American president.”

She said the solution to overcoming the tensions was discussing economic problems of middle- and lower-class blacks and Hispanics like the mortgage crisis, an issue that first Mrs. Clinton and now Mr. Obama have been raising more frequency.

“I don’t think eating tacos,” is effective, she said with a flick at Mrs. Clinton. “We need to address what unites us. The key is not to raise the wedge issue.”

Mr. Obama, some party officials and scholars suggested, may face additional difficulty if Hispanic women respond to Mrs. Clinton’s increasingly strong appeal for support based on sex. A rally here Saturday was packed with Hispanic women who shrieked at seeing Mrs. Clinton.

“The Hispanic community is very family oriented, and we respect our mothers,” said Ruben Kihuen, an influential Democratic assemblyman from Las Vegas who supported Mrs. Clinton. “A lot of middle-aged women see her as a mother, a head of the household, and they can identify with this. Especially when they see her daughter, Chelsea, with her.”

The tensions between Hispanics and African-Americans have increased proportionately with the influx of new Hispanics in areas like the Southwest, experts on the relationships said.

Mexican-Americans and other groups have increasingly migrated to traditionally black neighborhoods, the experts said.

“There have been enormous misunderstandings and conflicts over local resources and political representations between the two groups which simmer right below the surface and sometimes erupt,” said Albert M. Camarillo, founding director of the Center for the Comparative Study of Race and Ethnicity at Stanford.

Hispanic voters, Mr. Camarillo said, “might not go into the direction of the Obama camp.”

-Ana Facio Contreras contributed reporting from Los Angeles, and Jeff Zeleny from Reno, Nev.



To: TigerPaw who wrote (75912)1/15/2008 5:09:12 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Playing the Race Card Against Obama

truthdig.com

By Eugene Robinson
Columnist
The Washington Post
Posted on Jan 15, 2008

WASHINGTON—It turns out that Toni Morrison’s famous line about Bill Clinton as “our first black president” was just a bon mot. If the Clintons took it as a sign of African-Americans’ unconditional fealty, they were mistaken.

A new Washington Post-ABC News poll shows that black Democrats nationwide now support Barack Obama over Hillary Clinton for the presidential nomination by nearly 2 to 1. This striking reversal—a month ago, Clinton held a big lead among African-Americans—is perhaps why race has suddenly become such a hot issue in a campaign that previously had dodged the subject.

It was never realistic to think that race—or gender, for that matter—would stay out of a contest starring the first woman and the first African-American with realistic hopes of becoming president. From the Democrats’ point of view, it’s probably better to hash all this out now rather than wait until the general election campaign, when the Republican Swift-boat machine would set the parameters and tone for the discussion.

Still, it’s surprising that the Clinton campaign has been so aggressive in keeping the race issue alive. On “Meet the Press,” Clinton didn’t just seek to explain her remarks about the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.’s role in landmark civil rights legislation (she said it took a president to bring about real action) or Bill’s “fairy tale” crack about Obama’s record on the Iraq War (which some African-Americans took as a dismissal of Obama’s candidacy as mere fantasy). Instead, she went on the attack, accusing the Obama campaign of “deliberately distorting” her words in a way that was “unfair and unwarranted.”

That seemed a curious tactic to employ just two weeks before the South Carolina Democratic primary, in which African-Americans are expected to cast about half the total vote. It seemed especially curious after the most powerful black politician in the state, House Majority Whip James Clyburn, indicated he was so “bothered” by the Clintons’ remarks that he might rethink his decision not to endorse any candidate before the primary.

With most polls showing Clinton well behind in South Carolina, it was unclear how this approach would do anything but put her further behind.

The charitable explanation would be that the Clintons are, in terms of their political position, simply disoriented. They are accustomed to Bill Clinton’s campaigns, in which African-American support was pretty much assumed. Backing for Hillary Clinton from prominent friends and allies such as Andrew Young, Rep. John Lewis, D-Ga., Vernon Jordan, Magic Johnson, Quincy Jones and others didn’t manage to keep Obama out of the race—and, according to the polls, won’t keep black voters from supporting him. It would be understandable if the Clintons were frustrated at seeing such an important Democratic constituency lured away, and if they were doubly frustrated at the difficulty of finding a way to criticize Obama without further alienating African-Americans.

This is politics, however, which means that less charitable explanations have to be considered as well.

Race is just one of the fights that the Clinton campaign is pressing with Obama at the moment; the other is an attempt to discredit Obama’s opposition to the war. It could be that the idea is to engage Obama in so much tit-for-tat combat that his image as a new kind of post-partisan politician is tarnished.

Or the strategy could be more subtle. I can’t help but recall a certain piece of history.

In 1992, when Bill Clinton was running for president, a controversial hip-hop artist named Sister Souljah made an ugly comment about the Los Angeles riots: “If black people kill black people every day, why not have a week and kill white people?” Candidate Clinton highlighted the remark in a speech to the Rev. Jesse Jackson’s Rainbow Coalition, comparing Souljah to Ku Klux Klan member David Duke. The episode demonstrated that Clinton was not only tough on lawlessness but also willing to challenge “special interests”—in this case, black activists.

The Clintons are reading the polls, too; they might well be resigned to the possibility that most black Democrats will vote for Obama. This would mean that South Carolina is probably already lost, and that the campaign’s focus now has to be on Florida and the many states whose delegates are up for grabs on “Tsunami Tuesday.”

Is it possible that accusing Obama and his campaign of playing the race card might create doubt in the minds of the moderate, independent white voters who now seem so enamored of the young black senator? Might that be the idea?

Yes, that’s a cynical view. But history is history.

© 2008, Washington Post Writers Group