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Politics : Liberalism: Do You Agree We've Had Enough of It? -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Kenneth E. Phillipps who wrote (27488)5/5/2008 11:25:45 AM
From: tonto  Respond to of 224750
 
I agree. It reminds us of the "Change" lie of the 2008 Obama campaign.

When Bush called himself "a uniter, not a divider," it was the biggest lie of the 2000 campaign.



To: Kenneth E. Phillipps who wrote (27488)5/5/2008 11:29:52 AM
From: Ann Corrigan  Respond to of 224750
 
Your boy is toast, Kenneth. The master politican has conducted a stealth campaign where elitist Obama would not tread:

>In Small Towns, Bill Clinton Finds A Campaign Niche

By Eli Saslow, Washington Post Staff Writer
Monday, May 5, 2008

LUMBERTON, N.C. -- Bill Clinton swung open the screen door and stepped onto Baxter Williams's front porch, its wooden floorboards creaking beneath him. The former president, a veteran speechmaker used to 50,000-seat stadiums and convention halls, sipped from a bottle of water and took in his latest venue. An abandoned sewage plant to his left. A barking dog to his right. An overturned trampoline in Williams's front yard directly ahead.

Clinton had traveled here, to a dead-end street in a 22,000-person town that no other U.S. president had ever visited, to make the case for his wife, Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton. But first, as he stared out at the 300-plus people and their various pets lounging in the overgrown weeds of Williams's lawn, he felt it necessary to clarify something.

"They say Bill Clinton's been banished to the backwater, but that's not how it is," he said. "I'm from the backwater. I like it here."

After a series of awkward moments and costly missteps while campaigning for his wife, Clinton has finally discovered a role that suits him. He's become the campaign's self-proclaimed "ambassador to small-town America," traveling to places where the mere arrival of his motorcade signals a significant moment in local history, where his charm and affability carry substantial weight among voters.

In the past month, at least 20 counties in Indiana and North Carolina received their first-ever presidential visits when Clinton stopped by. That meant 20 grateful towns, 20 awestruck audiences and a trail of feel-good local media coverage across both states. Hillary Clinton's campaign hopes it will pay off in her marathon race with Sen. Barack Obama (Ill.) when rural voters in North Carolina and Indiana vote in their states' primaries Tuesday.

"He's perfect in places like this," said Julia Boseman, a North Carolina state senator who traveled to Lumberton with Clinton last week. "He has a way of instantly making the kind of connection that wins over people in towns like these. People here can't believe they're seeing or touching him. They love him just for coming."

A few minutes before 7 a.m. on Wednesday, Clinton climbed into the back seat of a large gray SUV to begin what has become a typical day on the campaign trail. He planned to make seven stops in towns scattered along 180 miles of Interstate 95: Apex, Sanford, Lillington, Dunn, Hope Mills, Lumberton and Whiteville. One forlorn campaign aide, glancing over the morning's itinerary, guessed that only the most unfortunate long-haul truckers had ever visited the same places in one day.

Clinton, though, quickly settled into a comfortable routine. At each stop, his motorcade pulled off the highway and headed past gas stations and fast-food outlets toward a makeshift stage downtown. Campaign staffers had spent a week forging public arenas from whatever was available in towns that never before required them. A rusted train depot, an unkempt park, Williams's big front yard -- all suddenly capable of serving as platforms for the 42nd president.

The local mayor walked onstage first at each event, nervous and clutching notes, to introduce Clinton and offer him a key to the city. Clinton thanked each mayor, shoved each oversize key into a suit-coat pocket and spoke for about 40 minutes. He shook hands for 10 more minutes before heading back to I-95.

Clinton interspersed his campaign pitches with tidbits from his upbringing as a small-town boy in Hope, Ark. He grew up in a place "that nobody knew about," he said. Early on, he "learned to work on cars, changing oil" for the first time when he was 5 years old. During law school, he "worked six jobs, but never more than three at a time." Because of debt, he and Hillary were "poor as church mice." But then, "gosh, it turned out pretty good," because "even Mama didn't think I could become the president."

His narratives drew warm chuckles and loud applause, the easy-to-please audiences standing in stark contrast to the scrutiny that defined Clinton's first several months on the campaign trail. In Iowa and New Hampshire, Clinton sometimes overshadowed his wife by making public suggestions about foreign policy and potential White House staffing. His popularity dropped -- a third of Americans in the most recent Washington Post poll said their views of him were "strongly negative" -- and campaign strategists wondered: How could one of the most famous men in the world be used effectively without becoming the premier attraction and overshadowing his spouse?

Only here, in rural North Carolina and places like it, did Clinton finally discover an answer. He campaigns vigorously, but usually in places where the spotlight can't chase him. He seeks laudatory local news coverage but avoids attention from the national press.

According to Clinton, the new role has provided momentum to his wife's campaign. He speaks mostly to Democrats, and often to crowds made up mainly of the working-class whites who have tended to vote for his wife anyway. Still, in the 20-plus rural Pennsylvania counties Clinton visited, he said his wife won at least 60 percent of the vote. In Lumberton on Wednesday, he relayed that statistic to the crowd and implored, "Please don't break my string."

"It doesn't get complicated in places like this," said Bob Kunst, the president of a grass-roots organization called Hillary Now, who has worked at several Bill Clinton events. "In these places, they're flattered to see him. He relates well. Everybody goes home happy."

By the time Clinton arrived at 1 p.m. Wednesday in Dunn, population 10,000, he had entered the sort of campaigning zone that has made him a legend at connecting with voters. He emerged onto the steps of a local museum to a standing ovation, his face sunburned and his pink tie flapping in the wind.

Victoria Hinson, 59, who had waited in front of the museum for three hours, gasped and fanned herself with her right hand. Once, she had seen Gerald R. Ford's motorcade pass by while she was working her shift at a local convenience store -- a story she'd repeated to friends for 25 years.

"Oh, they're never going to believe how lucky I am now," Hinson said. "He's right there, can't be 20 yards away. Bill Clinton! He's more famous than anybody, except maybe the pope."

Dunn had essentially shut down all town operations in order to welcome Clinton, and more than 500 people jostled for position near the museum stage. Three local middle schools extended their lunch breaks so teachers and students could gather downtown. The local newspaper dispatched its publisher, executive editor, managing editor and all three full-time reporters to compile a front-page news story, which it headlined "A Historic Occasion: Bill Thrills Crowds."

Under a dogwood tree to the right of the stage, two men from a local barbecue restaurant cooked meat over hot coals. The wind carried the smoke to Clinton, and he caught the scent of pepper and vinegar as he started his speech.

"I can smell that pig pickin'," he said. "And you know I'm going to eat some later."

Lloyd Monds, 61, who had just retired from Dunn's meatpacking plant, looked down at his watch seven minutes into the speech and frowned.

"You know, I really just wanted to watch him walk up there, witness history, and that's about enough," Monds said. "It doesn't matter so much what he says. I'm going to vote for her. Most of us are probably going to vote for her. He already won everybody over just by arranging to be here."



To: Kenneth E. Phillipps who wrote (27488)5/5/2008 11:56:24 AM
From: TideGlider  Respond to of 224750
 
Trinity United Church of Christ looks to be following a steady course in the wake of the retirement of Pastor Jeremiah Wright. While a speech the Rev. Jeremiah Wright recently delivered to an NAACP gathering included controversial claims concerning the miseducation of black children in public schools, it was consistent with earlier preaching from the pulpit of Barack Obama's church.

A sermon delivered there on Sunday, December 17, 2006, entitled "How To Stop A Conspiracy," offered a step-by-step explanation of how young black male students are miseducated by public schools.

The preacher began with a reference to an episode of the HBO series "The Wire" wherein four male children in an inner city Baltimore school are "caught in a system and cycle of neglect and despair." With cascading statements and a crescendo in emphasis, the preacher outlined the miseducation system to which black, male students are subjected.

"It is black children, you see, that when they first start taking tests before they reach the fourth grade, they are at the highest percentile. They are excited about going to school, they [miss not] going to school, they love school, but something happens when they get to the fourth grade.

"Because when they get to the fourth grade they are beginning puberty. They are beginning to become men, and the majority of teachers who are woman, who do not look like them, who have not been kissed by nature's sun, associate normal male behavior during the beginning of puberty as personality disorders and discipline problems. The normal male, whose creative energy is to move and to express himself, is called [sic] immediately diagnosed with ADD and a behavior problem.

"But then on top of all of that, with teachers who have never really taught our children, they have low teacher expectations. And when they see our children, they assume they are less intelligent. And subconsciously, because they assume our children are less intelligent, they then do not call upon our children. And because they do not call upon our children, our children naturally counter that by then trying to make themselves known in the class. They make themselves known in the class by acting out because no child wants to be ignored. But when they act out in class the teacher then says, ‘Go to the office, you are a behavior problem.'

"But then on top of all that, when they reach fourth grade, they've got to start taking all these tests. And when they begin to take all of these tests the school system then designs a specific system that says there are some children who are gifted and there are some children who need help. But if you end up in the ‘need help' category, you can never rise to the ‘gifted' category. You will stay there for the rest of your life.

"And then on top of all of that, as a result of this negative behavior that children then develop, they realize they get attention and they act out. And no child wants to be ignored, so he will act out in order for you just to say something to him.

"And then on top of all that, the parents of the boys who are caught in this cycle, if they are the sole provider in the family, and they are trying to keep the family together but do not have the time nor the opportunity to spend time after school, their child will then be marked for failure.

"But wait a minute, even on top of all that, then the school system, after it sets up its tracking system, it then sells the results of the tests to privatized companies that are trying to predict how many jails we need to build fifteen and twenty years from now so that they can make some money.

"But then on top of all that, the government in turn then introduces vouchers into our community that will help a small number of children to go to private schools. And when you take those children who are doing well from the public school system, shift them to the private school center, then you only have a small amount of children in the public school who are then not doing well.

"Then after all of this, the government and private corporations, then join forces to lobby for the privatization of the public school system so they then can make money off the pain and the misery of our children.

"I'm here to tell you there's a conspiracy to destroy our boys."
(Verbatim transcription from a CD sold on the church's website.)

So this conspiracy, as described, is founded on the racial bias and professional incompetence of non-black, female teachers. Then it is perpetuated by co-conspirators that include school officials and corporations that manage private schools and build prisons. Elsewhere in the sermon, local politicians and police officials are implicated in the conspiracy.

The sermon was delivered in Chicago, but it began by citing the failure of Baltimore Public Schools. The Baltimore School Board has ten members, one of whom is a Student Commissioner. Based on their photographs, six are African-Americans.

The school officials most directly indicted in the sermon, given that it was delivered before a Chicago congregation, are the seven members of the Chicago Board of Education. Based on their photographs and biographical sketches, three are African-Americans (including the Board President); two are either Hispanic-Americans or carry a surname that so suggests; one appears to be an Anglo, and one is an Asian-American. These 17 persons from two major metropolitan school boards are, according to the accusation that came from the pulpit of Senator Barack Obama's Trinity United Church of Christ, key members of a conspiracy to put in place "a system designed and cultivated to maintain, to destroy, our children - especially our boys."

The sermon was delivered by a preacher that Obama described to Tim Russert on Meet The Press, Sunday, May 4, as his church's "wonderful young pastor." His name: The Reverend Otis B. Moss III. He is the pastor in line to assume Jeremiah Wright's position upon Wright's retirement.

Barack Obama has made major revisions in public education a key element of his comprehensive plan for change. Just how much do we really know about the Senator's motives and intentions concerning his plan to significantly expand the federal government's role in public education?

americanthinker.com