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Politics : President Barack Obama -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: RetiredNow who wrote (25736)7/12/2008 2:28:09 PM
From: tejek  Respond to of 149317
 
Yup. A very good list and let me add to it......Boone Pickens. He has been running his own commercials saying the country needs to convert its energy production facilities to solar and wind, and its cars to natural gas. As it turns out, Pickens has invested heavily in wind and solar, and owns significant nat. gas fields. Pickens was also the money guy behind the swiftboaters..and that's because Bush was good for his business; Kerry would not have been. All they care about is lining their pockets.

Pickens and his neo buds have never been friends to this country. Instead, they have been very clever at using fear to manipulate Americans to get what they want. Their hold on this country has to be broken.



To: RetiredNow who wrote (25736)7/12/2008 6:32:52 PM
From: koan  Respond to of 149317
 
Good list. Now hopefully enough people will see what you are saying.



To: RetiredNow who wrote (25736)7/12/2008 7:31:32 PM
From: SiouxPal  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 149317
 
Your brain must be enormous. :•)



To: RetiredNow who wrote (25736)7/13/2008 4:44:10 PM
From: tejek  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 149317
 
'What's Wrong With Senator Obama?'

By Bob Beckel

My 14 year old son loves Barack Obama. He plays the "Yes We Can" music video by will.i.m so often he can recite Obama's New Hampshire speech (from which the video was made) word for word. Obama gave his 'Yes We Can' speech after losing the New Hampshire primary to Hillary Clinton. That refrain, meant to encourage his supporters after the loss, quickly became the mantra for Obama's campaign.

Far from needing encouragement, his supporters were energized by the New Hampshire defeat. My kid kept bugging me to get behind Obama. I tried to tell him as a political analyst for Fox News I had to stay neutral. He wasn't buying that and reminded me that his grandfather (my dad) had been involved in the civil rights movement and "if granddaddy was still around he would be for Obama". That was followed by "you're a wuss".

So I was a little surprised last week when my son asked me, "What's wrong with Senator Obama?" I asked why. "Because he sounds different", he says. Thinking the kid was referring to Obama's recent moves to the center on some issues I tell him every candidate for president repositions for the general election. My son gives me one of those teenage 'what planet are you on' looks and says, "never mind."

It took awhile but I realized my point about Obama's repositioning on Iraq, FISA, etc meant nothing to my kid. All he knew was that the "Obama of Summer" was somehow different than the Yes We Can "Obama of Winter" - and it bothered him. To my kid it wasn't a question of issues, but a perception that somehow Obama had changed. As Barack Obama learned this week it is a perception shared by thousands of his supporters who do understand the issues and, unlike my son, can vote.

So being an astute political analyst I went to YouTube in search of a clue to my kids concerns. I bring up the Yes We Can video which I hadn't seen for several months. I play it once and I'm moved. I play it twice and I must confess I get a bit emotional. For comparison I watch the video of Obama's press conference last week in North Dakota in which he tried to clarify an earlier statement about perhaps "refining" his position on Iraq after a trip there later this month.

Listening to both videos I get it. Obama did sound different. He was defensive, and I sense a bit annoyed that he was forced to explain himself in North Dakota. But the reaction from the press and many of Obama's supporters seemed to me shrill and politically naïve. After all, Obama, on this and other issues, was only repositioning for a broader electorate, something every presidential candidate before him had done.

Sure Obama appeared to be modifying his issue positions a lot lately, but most presidential candidates lock up their nomination early, allowing the art of repositioning to be more subtle. In Obama's case the protracted battle with Hillary Clinton did not allow him the luxury of time to be subtle. Apparently his supporters and some in the press just didn't get that point.

But the amount of angry internet traffic to Obama's website suggesting he was abandoning his positions apparently hit a nerve. In a town hall meeting this week Obama was forced to address the charges and to defend his progressive credentials. He blamed the criticism from "my friends on the left" and "some of the media" on their preoccupation with assuming a political calculation is behind every move he makes.

That response, coupled with Obama's North Dakota press conference and watching the Yes We Can video, began to clarify the "Obama of Summer" problem with his supporters. To a guy like me, who has been involved in many campaigns, what Obama was doing made sense. But to millions of Obama supporters (most having never been near a political campaign) Obama's general election repositioning stood in stark contrast to his 'elegance of defeat' in New Hampshire

I finally got it. While I was holding Obama to a typical political standard, his supporters' standard, forged in the snows of Iowa and New Hampshire, was more elevated and exacting. To them, the "Obama of Winter" had been a calling, while the "Obama of Summer" was causing an uncomfortable disconnect (as evidenced by a decline in the percentage of Obama supporters who tell pollsters they are 'totally' verses 'probably' certain to vote for him).

Obama can blame his "supporters on the left" for the recent flare up, but my sense is that much of the reaction can be laid at the feet of the growing number of political advisers surrounding him. Political consultants, especially at the presidential level, are a cautious breed. Their instinct is to dumb down the candidates positions to the lowest common denominator to avoid offending the most number of voters. A good example was the campaign's rationale for Obama's decision to bypass public financing after saying earlier he would accept it.

Obama's handlers came up with some lame excuse that the campaign's millions of small contributors were, in effect, another form of public finance. That's an 'Obama of Summer' line. I'd like to think the 'Obama of Winter' response would have been (had it not been dumbed down), "Because we're in a position to raise enough money to defend ourselves against getting mugged by Swift boat type thugs, we are not going to allow spending limits to leave us defenseless this time. Period!"

On Iraq, the 'Obama of Winter' statement most likely would have been, "Of course I'm going to listen to the commanders in Iraq on how best to withdraw our troops safely, but make no mistake, we will withdraw. If George Bush and John McCain had listened to Colin Powell and the Joint Chiefs (both opposed invading Iraq) in the first place, we would not be in the mess we are in now. Period!"

That was essentially the position Obama took anyway in clarifying his statement last week in North Dakota. There is a lesson here for Obama. The American people (and his supporters especially) want their presidents to be confident and to the point. They are tired of spin. Consultant driven dumbing down is the opposite of confident and obviously spin. The fact is Obama has moved very little but his recent explanations on issues have been dumbed down enough to give the impression that he has moved considerably.

Barack Obama should take a minute to watch the "Yes We Can" video, and look at the faces in the crowd. They are the backbone of his organization and the foundation of his massive internet contributor base. Obama set a standard for his candidacy last winter that his supporters still expect of him this summer. They expect more from Obama than politics as usual, and they have every right to want to see him meet those expectations.

Obama might then assess the advice he's getting from his political consultants (and veteran political supporters like me) and come to the conclusion that, unlike my son and the rest of Obama's young supporters who were drawn to the "Obama of Winter", we're the ones who just don't get it.

Bob Beckel managed Walter Mondale’s 1984 presidential campaign. He is a senior political analyst for the Fox News Channel and a columnist for USA Today. Beckel is the co-author with Cal Thomas of the book "Common Ground."

realclearpolitics.com



To: RetiredNow who wrote (25736)7/13/2008 4:58:00 PM
From: RetiredNow  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 149317
 
Hi all, I have been a lifelong Republican and as such, most of my friends and family are Republicans. When I say things like the Republicans have destroyed this country in the last 8 years, the single most repeated argument they make back is this: "well, the Dems have held the majority in Congress the last year and a half and they've done nothing. So they are equally to blame."

So let me give you all some information that you should use whenever a Republican tells you that bit of malarky:

1) Republicans held the majority in Congress for 6 years with a Republican White House, which means they could pass any law they wanted. In fact, they did just that and they used that power to enrich the oil companies, pass tax cuts in the midst of waging two wars, and pass budgets with irresponsible budget deficits...for 6 years
2) Democrats hold 51 seats in Congress, with one of those being Lieberman, who really looks more like a Republican nowadays. Hell, he's campaigning with McCain.

But most importantly...

3) Most folks don't really know how Congress works. Bills can originate either in the House or Senate, but to send a bill to the White House for a Presidential signature, they have to pass both the House and the Senate in a reconciled form. Dems have no problem passing legislation in the House where they have a big majority. However, their standing in the Senate is very different. When the Dems want to pass a law, the recent alternative energy legislation for example, Republicans threaten to filibuster if they bring it up for a vote. A filibuster is an unlimited debate, which essentially can kill a bill before it passes by delaying a vote until a Congressional session closes. The only way to overcome a filibuster is to have 60 votes to invoke cloture and bring the debate to a close. So even if the Dems manage to do that by getting 10 or 11 Republicans to break ranks, then there is the Presidential veto. Even if the Dems get a bill passed, Bush can veto it, unless they have 60 votes. The Dems have never in the last two years been able to get enough votes to overcome a Presidential veto on any of the critical Dem issues like alternative energy. Therefore, as you can see, the so-called Dem majority is really just a big illusion that the Republicans use to blame the Democrats for all the problems they and the Bush Administration has created.

Apologies for the long post, but the below is absolutely required reading for anyone that wants to know the truth of how low the Republican Party has sunk:

govtrack.us

Sen. Richard Durbin [D-IL]: Mr. President, this month the Senate Democrats have tried to confront many problems which face families across our Nation. From lowering taxes and addressing high gasoline taxes to ensuring quality health care for America's seniors and providing a helping hand to American workers who have been unemployed for more than 6 months, time and time again, the Senate Republicans have refused to give us an opportunity to address these issues. Republican obstruction has gone so far in the Senate that they will not even allow the Senate to debate legislation anymore, refusing to admit that these important concerns are worthy of Senate debate.

Yesterday, a new record was established in the Senate, one of dubious worth in the history of our Nation. But the Republicans have engaged now in 77 filibusters. The record previously for any 2-year session was 57. We still have another 6 months to go. The Republicans have now broken the record for the number of filibusters.

What is a filibuster? It is an effort to stop a bill, to stop a nomination, to stop debate, to make certain that the Senate will not engage in even debating the issues which the American people consider to be most important in their lives. And the Republicans have now broken the Senate record again with 77 filibusters.

It may not be news that they have broken the record. We knew this was coming, and I am sure their goal is probably 100 or more filibusters. So they will go down in history as being the most obstruction-oriented minority in the history of the Senate.

But this was a remarkable week. We will have had four filibusters in 8 days. What an amazing record. Republicans must point to that with pride--four filibusters in 8 days, one every 48 hours. They no longer seem content to stop legislation dealing with gasoline prices and Medicare for our seniors and trying to make sure we give unemployed workers across America enough money to feed their families. That is not enough. Now they refuse to even allow us to proceed to the legislation to debate it. They are so frightened by the prospect of an open debate with deliberation and amendments, they consistently vote against even engaging in debate.

In a little more than a week, the Republicans have blocked motions to proceed and debate the Consumer-First Energy Act, the Medicare Improvement Act, and the Renewable Energy and Job Creation Act, not once but twice.

Upon the conclusion of my remarks and the pending remarks of Senator McConnell from Kentucky, the pending business before the Senate will be the motion to proceed to the Renewable Energy and Job Creation Act. We tried for the second time yesterday to bring this legislation to the floor so we can have a debate.

What is so controversial about this bill that the Republicans would filibuster it not once but twice to stop the Senate from even considering this bill? This bill passed the House of Representatives last month by a vote of 263 to 160. Thirty-five House Republicans voted for the measure using the Tax Code to help reduce record energy prices across America.

What will this bill do? It extends expiring tax provisions that we need to encourage the development of sustainable, environmentally sensible renewable energy sources--solar, biomass, geothermal, hydropower, and wind.

In my home State of Illinois and many States across the Nation, these tax incentives have led to the development of wind farms, generating electricity without pollution, providing the energy we need for our economy to grow without endangering the planet on which we live.

When we said it is time to renew these tax incentives, let's make this part of our national effort, let's extend these tax provisions, create more incentives for the development of this energy, the development of new businesses, much needed American jobs, the Republicans said no. Let me be fair about that. Not all of them said no. Five Republicans yesterday voted to move forward on this bill, enough for them to say back home they are on the right side of history, but calculated in a way so there were never enough Republican votes to actually go to the measure. Five--Senators Coleman, Collins, Corker, Smith, and Snowe joined all the Democrats present. We had 53 votes at the end of the day. We needed 60.

This is not an accident that enough Republicans crossed over to be able to say back home that they are doing the right thing for energy development, but not enough to actually move to the bill and debate. It has been a calculated strategy, and it has worked.

The Republicans time and again in the Senate have stopped us from considering measure after measure. They are determined that at the end of the day, this Senate, if they have their way, will accomplish little. They know they were branded in the last Congress as a do-nothing Congress. They are determined to stop us. In a closely divided Senate, 51 to 49, it is easy for them to hold back enough Members to stop us from taking up important measures for America.

Let me tell you what this bill would have done, the bill the Republicans opposed and used their filibuster and their votes to stop. It would have extended incentives for biodiesel fuel usage. Of course, that uses vegetable oil to supplement diesel fuel to reduce our dependence on Middle Eastern oil. They voted no.

E85 gas pumps so that ethanol would be available in more cities across America so we can use this homegrown fuel and have less dependence on foreign oil. And the Republicans voted no.

Hybrid car purchases, a tax credit to families who buy hybrid cars, plug-in hybrids, for example. We know that is the wave of the future. We want to incentivize that market. The Republicans voted no.

The bill would have provided $3 billion in tax credit bonds to State and local governments so they can take energy conservation measures with their infrastructure.

It supports the creation of hundreds of thousands of good-paying American jobs right here at home, and the Republicans voted no.

In addition, the bill extended the R&D tax credit which provides critical incentives to over 27,000 companies in America.

And finally, this bill would have helped a lot of American families by lowering taxes, property tax relief.

I can tell you that in my State of Illinois, I hear about it wherever I travel--property taxes are too high. People need a helping hand. But the Republicans voted no.

We wanted to expand child tax credits for parents with young children, college tuition deductions for parents with older children, a deduction for classroom expenses for teachers, tax relief for our troops in combat under the earned-income tax credit, and State and local sales tax deductions for families who live in States that have no income tax--all of that tax relief for working families across America. The Republicans voted no. And to top it off, we did something that, frankly, may be new to the Republican leadership: We paid for it. We didn't put these tax cuts in at the expense of the American deficit. We didn't add to the American debt, not like this war President Bush has now waged for 5 1/2 years, which he has failed to pay for, just adding it to the debt of our children. We paid for these tax measures by requiring hedge fund

Why do they refuse to even debate this bill? Let's be honest about it, we are going to need their support to pass it. They are going to have their day in court, if the bill comes to the floor. They are going to be able to offer amendments and deliberate.

Senator Baucus has proposed a substitute that would do the things the House would do in their bill and provide even more relief for businesses and families, including taking care of the alternative minimum tax for another year. Why do they refuse to even allow these amendments to be offered?

I have heard from some of the largest businesses in my State--Boeing, Caterpillar, John Deere--and they want this bill, not to mention smaller businesses that rely on these energy tax credits to expand their reach of new jobs and opportunities in my State. I know families in my State want to see this passed, particularly those who are battling with the price of gasoline, the price of utilities, and those with younger college-age children who would benefit from child or tuition credits. But the Senate Republicans have chosen obstruction instead--77 Republican filibusters so far, and counting.

This isn't the only debate Senate Republicans have denied us and denied the American people. Last week, they filibustered our efforts to debate the Consumer-First Energy Act, which begins addressing the root causes of increasing gasoline prices. Gas and diesel prices are 2 1/2 times what they were when President Bush took office, and at the same time the profits of the five largest integrated oil companies have more than quadrupled over the past 5 years, to $116 billion in 2007. Total oil industry profits were $155 billion. Many of us believe these oil companies must be held accountable. And if we don't hold them accountable, the prices will continue to increase. The bill that the Republicans stopped last week would have rolled back a $17 billion Federal subsidy to these oil companies. How can we possibly explain or rationalize taking $17 billion out of our Treasury at a time when we are facing recordbreaking

We also wanted to create a windfall profits tax so that some of the excessive profits of these oil companies would be reinvested in America in clean, renewable fuels and expanded refinery capacity. The Republicans voted no.

We wanted to protect consumers from price gouging. The bill would give the President the authority to declare an energy emergency and set an "unconscionably excessive price" limit that would be enforced so that consumers would be protected. Of course, the Republicans voted no.

We wanted to set limits on oil market price speculation, preventing the traders of U.S. crude oil from avoiding the law and routing their transactions to offshore markets. Speculation is part of the reason the price of a barrel of crude oil is so high. Most people understand that if we can stop excessive speculation and manipulation, it will bring down the price of oil and the price of gasoline. The Republicans voted no.

We want to send a clear message to OPEC that we will allow enforcement actions against any company that is colluding to set the price of oil, natural gas, or petroleum products. That is a bipartisan measure. Senator Kohl of Wisconsin is the one who offered it, but Senator Specter joined him. Senator McConnell came to the floor and called that provision ludicrous, in his words, and then the Republicans followed his lead and voted no.

The Consumer-First Energy Act would have prevented price gouging, profit taking, and redirected money away from industry and into renewable energy and expanded refinery capacity. But once again the Senate Republicans preferred a filibuster to a real debate. Their answer to all of these issues--drill, drill, drill. We will find enough oil to take care of America. They ignore the obvious: The United States has within its grasp or reach maybe 4 or 5 percent of the entire known oil reserves in the world. Every day, every week, every month, every year, we consume 25 percent of the world's oil. We cannot drill our way out of this. How many times will the Republicans and the President and Senator John--well, sorry, I shouldn't refer to Senator McCain in this context--how many times will the Republicans and

Last week, Senate Republicans also filibustered consideration of an effort to improve the quality of health care for our seniors--the Medicare Improvements for Patients and Providers Act, supported by the AARP, the American Medical Association, and many others.

What we are trying to do is stop an effort by the Bush administration to cut the reimbursement to doctors who treat Medicare patients. That reimbursement is to go into effect July 1. We want to make sure doctors continue to provide quality care to our seniors and disabled. The bill would have moved us also toward mental health parity by phasing out high copayments for mental health services, ensuring that seniors and those with disabilities receive Medicare. Finally, it would have made it easier to add preventive services to Medicare and address disturbing reports of abusive and fraudulent sales and marketing practices by the Medicare Advantage plans. These are private insurance companies, charging more than Medicare and making a handsome profit, which are being protected by many in the Senate. They should be

Finally, yesterday the Senate Republicans objected to the passage of the Emergency Extended Unemployment Compensation Act of 2008. That measure passed in the House 274 to 137, with 49 House Republicans--a bipartisan measure. When economic conditions have deteriorated in the past five decades, Congress has routinely provided extended unemployment benefits--1958, 1961, 1972, 1975, 1982, 1991, and 2002. It was routine and bipartisan.

Over the first 3 months of this year, the U.S. economy has lost a total of 232,000 jobs, and the total number of unemployed in our country has grown by 1.1 million workers over the last year. The unemployment problem is especially severe for the long-term unemployed, who have been looking for work for more than 6 months. In the 1990 recession, the long-term unemployed comprised 9.8 percent of all workers. In the 2001 recession, 696,000 workers were unemployed, representing about 11 percent. In May of 2008, there were 1.6 million American workers unemployed for more than 6 months. That represents nearly 18 percent of all unemployed workers. Their unemployment insurance benefits are not only the right thing to do for these workers, they are the best thing we can do for the economy. Putting this money in the hands of an unemployed family means they will be able to pay their rent, pay their utility bills, buy clothes for the kids, and the necessities of life. It is money that will create economic growth in America.

Sadly, the Senate Republicans said no. They believe giving unemployment benefits to people who have been out of work will discourage them from looking for work. They want to starve them into their next job. That doesn't make sense. It has never made sense. On a bipartisan basis, we have said we are going to stand by these families, that we are going to make sure they have food on the table and that they can take care of themselves until they do find that job. But the Republicans used their filibuster to vote no.

I understand this morning that the minority leader may come here and make an attempt at a political "get well" card. He knows many of his Republican Members have come to him and said they do not like to continue to vote no. I think they are starting to feel the pain of being the filibuster party. They know they may be filibustering themselves right out of their Senate seats. So a unanimous consent request will be made. Unfortunately, it has no hope because it doesn't go to the substance. We had an opportunity yesterday to bring these measures up, and the day before. If they would have just sent over a half dozen or maybe nine more Republican Senators, we would be debating the very bills they are now going to ask us to turn to.

So I urge my colleagues on the Republican side of the aisle, don't become the filibuster party. Become a party that is willing to work on a bipartisan basis to solve our Nation's problems.

Mr. President, I yield the floor.