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Politics : Liberalism: Do You Agree We've Had Enough of It? -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Kenneth E. Phillipps who wrote (34639)7/14/2008 4:13:18 PM
From: Skywatcher  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 224749
 
he's a person that like Newt the scumbag Gringrich dumps his ailing wife for an already used lover...one that has made all her money on the alcolic beverage industry that she and her company have made into an empire of ALCOPOPS.
and have continually lobbied the Congress to IGNORE and STAY OUT OF REGULATING ALCOHOL, to the detriment of all teenagers that have died on the highways....and those that have had their families torn apart by ALCOHOLISM....



To: Kenneth E. Phillipps who wrote (34639)7/14/2008 4:58:41 PM
From: PROLIFE  Respond to of 224749
 
why are you ALWAYS wrong?...McCain sees no use in doing as Obamma and "wowing" you sissies into feinting before him as he "preaches" to you about nothing.




To: Kenneth E. Phillipps who wrote (34639)7/14/2008 5:27:25 PM
From: Ann Corrigan  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 224749
 
Andrea Mitchell is concerned that BO supporters missed the New Yorker joke:

By Scott Whitlock | July 14, 2008 - 16:30

On Monday's "MSNBC News Live," journalist Andrea Mitchell and Washington Post editorial writer Jonathan Capehart discussed whether Americans are not "sophisticated" enough to understand the attempted satire in the cartoon featured on the cover of the current New Yorker magazine. According to Mitchell, "...The only question there is whether [the cover] is too sophisticated to actually be perceived the way it is intended."

The image in question features Barack Obama in Muslim clothing with a flag burning in the background and is an obvious parody and an example of the liberal contention that conservatives are questioning the patriotism of the Democratic presidential contender. The Post's Capehart suggested that the uneducated voters in Middle America might not comprehend the high minded satire: "...The folks at the New Yorker are very smart, very learned, learned people, but once you get outside of the confines of Manhattan and the Upper West Side, you sort of begin to wonder if anyone-- if there was a conversation around the table about how will this be viewed by people who won't necessarily get the joke."

Brent Bozell's newsbusters.com



To: Kenneth E. Phillipps who wrote (34639)7/14/2008 6:06:46 PM
From: puborectalis  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 224749
 
Why isn't he smart enough to know he does not have the mental or physical resilience needed by modern presidents?



To: Kenneth E. Phillipps who wrote (34639)7/14/2008 6:21:11 PM
From: puborectalis  Respond to of 224749
 
July 14, 2008
Op-Ed Contributor
My Plan for Iraq
By BARACK OBAMA
CHICAGO — The call by Prime Minister Nuri Kamal al-Maliki for a timetable for the removal of American troops from Iraq presents an enormous opportunity. We should seize this moment to begin the phased redeployment of combat troops that I have long advocated, and that is needed for long-term success in Iraq and the security interests of the United States.

The differences on Iraq in this campaign are deep. Unlike Senator John McCain, I opposed the war in Iraq before it began, and would end it as president. I believed it was a grave mistake to allow ourselves to be distracted from the fight against Al Qaeda and the Taliban by invading a country that posed no imminent threat and had nothing to do with the 9/11 attacks. Since then, more than 4,000 Americans have died and we have spent nearly $1 trillion. Our military is overstretched. Nearly every threat we face — from Afghanistan to Al Qaeda to Iran — has grown.

In the 18 months since President Bush announced the surge, our troops have performed heroically in bringing down the level of violence. New tactics have protected the Iraqi population, and the Sunni tribes have rejected Al Qaeda — greatly weakening its effectiveness.

But the same factors that led me to oppose the surge still hold true. The strain on our military has grown, the situation in Afghanistan has deteriorated and we’ve spent nearly $200 billion more in Iraq than we had budgeted. Iraq’s leaders have failed to invest tens of billions of dollars in oil revenues in rebuilding their own country, and they have not reached the political accommodation that was the stated purpose of the surge.

The good news is that Iraq’s leaders want to take responsibility for their country by negotiating a timetable for the removal of American troops. Meanwhile, Lt. Gen. James Dubik, the American officer in charge of training Iraq’s security forces, estimates that the Iraqi Army and police will be ready to assume responsibility for security in 2009.

Only by redeploying our troops can we press the Iraqis to reach comprehensive political accommodation and achieve a successful transition to Iraqis’ taking responsibility for the security and stability of their country. Instead of seizing the moment and encouraging Iraqis to step up, the Bush administration and Senator McCain are refusing to embrace this transition — despite their previous commitments to respect the will of Iraq’s sovereign government. They call any timetable for the removal of American troops “surrender,” even though we would be turning Iraq over to a sovereign Iraqi government.

But this is not a strategy for success — it is a strategy for staying that runs contrary to the will of the Iraqi people, the American people and the security interests of the United States. That is why, on my first day in office, I would give the military a new mission: ending this war.

As I’ve said many times, we must be as careful getting out of Iraq as we were careless getting in. We can safely redeploy our combat brigades at a pace that would remove them in 16 months. That would be the summer of 2010 — two years from now, and more than seven years after the war began. After this redeployment, a residual force in Iraq would perform limited missions: going after any remnants of Al Qaeda in Mesopotamia, protecting American service members and, so long as the Iraqis make political progress, training Iraqi security forces. That would not be a precipitous withdrawal.

In carrying out this strategy, we would inevitably need to make tactical adjustments. As I have often said, I would consult with commanders on the ground and the Iraqi government to ensure that our troops were redeployed safely, and our interests protected. We would move them from secure areas first and volatile areas later. We would pursue a diplomatic offensive with every nation in the region on behalf of Iraq’s stability, and commit $2 billion to a new international effort to support Iraq’s refugees.

Ending the war is essential to meeting our broader strategic goals, starting in Afghanistan and Pakistan, where the Taliban is resurgent and Al Qaeda has a safe haven. Iraq is not the central front in the war on terrorism, and it never has been. As Adm. Mike Mullen, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, recently pointed out, we won’t have sufficient resources to finish the job in Afghanistan until we reduce our commitment to Iraq.

As president, I would pursue a new strategy, and begin by providing at least two additional combat brigades to support our effort in Afghanistan. We need more troops, more helicopters, better intelligence-gathering and more nonmilitary assistance to accomplish the mission there. I would not hold our military, our resources and our foreign policy hostage to a misguided desire to maintain permanent bases in Iraq.

In this campaign, there are honest differences over Iraq, and we should discuss them with the thoroughness they deserve. Unlike Senator McCain, I would make it absolutely clear that we seek no presence in Iraq similar to our permanent bases in South Korea, and would redeploy our troops out of Iraq and focus on the broader security challenges that we face. But for far too long, those responsible for the greatest strategic blunder in the recent history of American foreign policy have ignored useful debate in favor of making false charges about flip-flops and surrender.

It’s not going to work this time. It’s time to end this war.

Barack Obama, a United States senator from Illinois, is the presumptive Democratic presidential nominee.



To: Kenneth E. Phillipps who wrote (34639)7/14/2008 6:57:23 PM
From: Ann Corrigan  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 224749
 
Sowell scolds older Democrats:Does Patriotism Matter?

Thomas Sowell
Wednesday, July 02, 2008

The Fourth of July is a patriotic holiday but patriotism has long been viewed with suspicion or disdain by many of the intelligentsia. As far back as 1793, prominent British writer William Godwin called patriotism "high-sounding nonsense."

Internationalism has long been a competitor with patriotism, especially among the intelligentsia. H.G. Wells advocated replacing the idea of duty to one's country with "the idea of cosmopolitan duty."

Perhaps nowhere was patriotism so downplayed or deplored than among intellectuals in the Western democracies in the two decades after the horrors of the First World War, fought under various nations' banners of patriotism.

In France, after the First World War, the teachers' unions launched a systematic purge of textbooks, in order to promote internationalism and pacifism.

Books that depicted the courage and self-sacrifice of soldiers who had defended France against the German invaders were called "bellicose" books to be banished from the schools.

Textbook publishers caved in to the power of the teachers' unions, rather than lose a large market for their books. History books were sharply revised to conform to internationalism and pacifism.

The once epic story of the French soldiers' heroic defense against the German invaders at Verdun, despite the massive casualties suffered by the French, was now transformed into a story of horrible suffering by all soldiers at Verdun-- French and German alike.

In short, soldiers once depicted as national heroes were now depicted as victims-- and just like victims in other nations' armies.

Children were bombarded with stories on the horrors of war. In some schools, children whose fathers had been killed during the war were asked to speak to the class and many of these children-- as well as some of their classmates and teachers-- broke down in tears.

In Britain, Winston Churchill warned that a country "cannot avoid war by dilating upon its horrors." In France, Marshal Philippe Petain, the victor at Verdun, warned in 1934 that teachers were trying to "raise our sons in ignorance of or in contempt of the fatherland."

But they were voices drowned out by the pacifist and internationalist rhetoric of the 1920s and 1930s.

Did it matter? Does patriotism matter?

France, where pacifism and internationalism were strongest, became a classic example of how much it can matter.

During the First World War, France fought on against the German invaders for four long years, despite having more of its soldiers killed than all the American soldiers killed in all the wars in the history of the United States, put together.

But during the Second World War, France collapsed after just six weeks of fighting and surrendered to Nazi Germany. At the bitter moment of defeat the head of the French teachers' union was told, "You are partially responsible for the defeat."

Charles de Gaulle, Francois Mauriac, and other Frenchmen blamed a lack of national will or general moral decay, for the sudden and humiliating collapse of France in 1940.

At the outset of the invasion, both German and French generals assessed French military forces as more likely to gain victory, and virtually no one expected France to collapse like a house of cards -- except Adolf Hitler, who had studied French society instead of French military forces.

Did patriotism matter? It mattered more than superior French tanks and planes.

Most Americans today are unaware of how much our schools have followed in the footsteps of the French schools of the 1920s and 1930s, or how much our intellectuals have become citizens of the world instead of American patriots.

Our media are busy verbally transforming American combat troops from heroes into victims, just as the French intelligentsia did-- with the added twist of calling this "supporting the troops."

Will that matter? Time will tell.



To: Kenneth E. Phillipps who wrote (34639)7/14/2008 7:55:36 PM
From: lorne  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 224749
 
Bonusgate fallout could hurt Democrats
Some observers say reform-minded voters will cast out incumbents. Others predict the effects will be geographically limited.
By Amy Worden
Posted on Sun, Jul. 13, 2008
philly.com

Inquirer Harrisburg Bureau

HARRISBURG - The political consequences of the fast-spreading Bonusgate scandal could be enormous.
Will incumbents be threatened by a newly infuriated, throw-out-the-crooks electorate? Will Democrats surrender the state House, which they control by one vote, to Republicans? Will the legislature, scheduled to meet for as few as nine days this fall, be able to conduct business effectively amid the political fallout?

"If true, these allegations are what cause people to lose faith in government," said Rep. Daylin Leach (D., Montgomery), who is running for the Senate seat being vacated by retiring Democrat Connie Williams.

Attorney General Tom Corbett on Thursday announced indictments of 12 people: Rep. Sean Ramaley (D., Beaver), former House Democratic Whip Michael Veon of Beaver County, and 10 current and former staff members.

The indictments allege that they ran a tightly organized political operation out of Veon's Capitol suite and his district office. Hundreds of legislative workers on the House Democrats' payroll are accused of doing everything from stuffing envelopes to running campaign phone banks from government offices.

The 12 were arraigned in District Court in Harrisburg.

Most observers agree that the case, which Corbett has said represents only the initial step of the investigation, casts a negative light on everyone in government.

"As someone who is trying to make the case that government can make a positive difference, it makes it more difficult," Leach said.

Tim Potts, founder of the reform group Democracy Rising, said he believed the crisis could create trouble for Democrats in a presidential election year that favors them.

"It's hard to see how Democrats keep control of the House," said Potts, "unless they decide to promote an integrity agenda."

Others say that while the reform movement that grew out of the pay-raise debacle of 2005 will likely be reinvigorated, the latest scandal will probably play a role only in the legislative districts directly connected to it, namely Beaver County, in southwestern Pennsylvania.

"I'm not convinced there will be a lot of anti-incumbent sentiment," said G. Terry Madonna, a political scientist and pollster at Franklin and Marshall College. "Candidates rise and fall on their own merits."

He said the indictments likely formed the largest single criminal case involving elected officials and their staffs in modern state government history.

While a number of investigations involved hundreds of government employees and elected officials during the administration of Gov. Milton J. Shapp in the 1970s, there were "never this many at one time involving one grand jury."

Some critics point to the indictments as reason enough for new Democratic leadership in the House.

Lehigh County Executive Don Cunningham, a Democrat who is considering running for governor in 2010, has called for House Majority Leader Bill DeWeese (D., Greene) to resign over the scandal.

He said it would be impossible for DeWeese, who was not named in the indictment, to oversee reforms in the caucus.

"Either he didn't have control of his operation and didn't know how money was being spent, or he knew and was complicit in it," Cunningham said Friday. "Either way, for the interest of the party, I think a clean break is needed."

In a news release Thursday, DeWeese expressed outrage at the allegations and touted the housecleaning and changes made in the House since revelation of the bonuses in early 2007. He did not respond to a request for an interview.

Some lawmakers and others say recent changes, including the new open-records law and measures on conduct and rules in both chambers, have not gone far enough.

"Given the outrage I detected yesterday, people may in fact demand real change, change in the structure of government," said Sen. Jeffrey Piccola (R., Dauphin), who as chair of the Senate State Government Committee moved a number of bills aimed at reform this spring.

Some of those bills approved by the Senate are stuck in the House State Government Committee, while others await passage in the Senate.

Sen. John Eichelberger (R., Blair), sponsor of a bill banning bonuses for virtually all state employees, issued a news release after the indictments urging swift House passage of the legislation.

"The people of Pennsylvania expect to have this issue addressed in law, not by the often unkept promises of lawmakers who claim that it will never happen again," said Eichelberger, who ousted Senate President Pro Tempore Robert Jubelirer in 2006 after the legislative pay-raise controversy. "Their lack of action under the current circumstances is truly unbelievable."

Rep. Babette Josephs (D., Phila.), chairwoman of the House State Government Committee, issued a statement late Friday defending her commitment to reform and saying the attorney general did not support the Eichelberger bill as it was drafted.

Some say they are concerned the indictments might bring a distracting chill to the Capitol this fall, forcing lawmakers to spend more time campaigning when they should be focused on legislative business.

Others view the news as the prelude to a cleansing breeze.

"There's clearly a chill," said Piccola. "But, personally, I like air-conditioning. . . . It's a refreshing opportunity to do some good."



To: Kenneth E. Phillipps who wrote (34639)7/14/2008 9:22:44 PM
From: Ann Corrigan  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 224749
 
Grounds why BO should be disqualifed to be POTUS

Peter Wehner, Commentary Magazine, July 14 2008

In his New York Times op-ed today on Iraq, Barack Obama makes several claims worth examining.

In his opening paragraph, Obama writes

The call by Prime Minister Nuri Kamal al-Maliki for a timetable for the removal of American troops from Iraq presents an enormous opportunity. We should seize this moment to begin the phased redeployment of combat troops that I have long advocated, and that is needed for long-term success in Iraq and the security interests of the United States.

A phased redeployment of combat troops can now be done in the context of a victory in Iraq, whereas when Obama first called for the complete withdrawal of all combat troops in Iraq by March 2008, it would have led to an American defeat. It is because President Bush endorsed a counterinsurgency plan which Senator Obama fiercely opposed that we are in a position to both withdraw additional combat troops and prevail in Iraq.

Obama goes on to write

In the 18 months since President Bush announced the surge, our troops have performed heroically in bringing down the level of violence. New tactics have protected the Iraqi population, and the Sunni tribes have rejected Al Qaeda - greatly weakening its effectiveness.

But the same factors that led me to oppose the surge still hold true. The strain on our military has grown, the situation in Afghanistan has deteriorated and we’ve spent nearly $200 billion more in Iraq than we had budgeted. Iraq’s leaders have failed to invest tens of billions of dollars in oil revenues in rebuilding their own country, and they have not reached the political accommodation that was the stated purpose of the surge . . . Only by redeploying our troops can we press the Iraqis to reach comprehensive political accommodation and achieve a successful transition to Iraqis’ taking responsibility for the security and stability of their country.

This point cannot be emphasized enough: Obama, in opposing the surge, was wrong on the most important politico-military decision since the war began. He not only opposed the surge, he predicted in advance that it could not succeed and that it would not lead to a decrease in violence (on January 10, 2007, the night President Bush announced the surge, Obama declared he saw nothing in the plan that would “make a significant dent in the sectarian violence that’s taking place there.” A week later, he repeated the point emphatically: the surge strategy would “not prove to be one that changes the dynamics significantly.”)

Both predictions were demonstrably wrong. And for Obama to state that Iraq’s leaders “have not reached the political accommodation that was the stated purpose of the surge” is misleading and false. Iraqi leaders have reached comprehensive political accommodations, including passing key laws having to do with provincial elections, the distribution of resources, amnesty, pensions, investment, and de-Ba’athification. In fact, a report card issued in May judged that Iraq’s efforts on 15 of 18 benchmarks are “satisfactory”–almost twice of what it determined to be the case a year ago. Is Obama unaware of these achievements? Does he care at all about them?

In addition, Prime Minister Maliki, a Shiite Muslim, has taken to lead in opposing Shiite militia throughout Iraq, which in turn has led in a rallying of political support for Maliki throughout Iraq and respect for him among other Arab leaders.

The successful, Iraqi-led operations in Basra, Sadr City, and elsewhere completely subvert Obama’s claim that “only be redeploying our troops” can these things be achieved. They are in fact being achieved, something which would have been impossible if Obama’s “redeployment” plan had been put in place.

Obama writes this as well:

for far too long, those responsible for the greatest strategic blunder in the recent history of American foreign policy have ignored useful debate in favor of making false charges about flip-flops and surrender.

In fact, it is far from clear that Iraq will be judged a strategic blunder at all, let alone the “greatest strategic blunder in the recent history of American foreign policy.” It is now plausible to argue that the Iraq war will lead to a defeat of historic proportions for al Qaeda. It has already triggered a massive Sunni Muslim uprising against al Qaeda, a repudiation of violent jihadism from some of its original architects, and a significant shift within the Muslim world against the brutal tactics of jihadists. Iraq is also, right now, the only authentic democracy in the Arab world. And Saddam Hussein, the most aggressive and destabilizing force in the Middle East for the last several decades, is dead, and his genocidal regime is now but an awful, infamous memory.

This is not to deny that huge mistakes and miscalculations were made in the Phase IV planning of the war; it is to say, however, that those mistakes have been rectified and that we are now on the road to success in Iraq. None of this would have been possible if Senator Obama’s recommendations had been followed. It’s worth adding, I suppose, that if Obama’s recommendations had been followed, the results would qualify as the greatest strategic blunder in the recent history of American foreign policy.

Finally, Obama writes this:

on my first day in office, I would give the military a new mission: ending this war.

This is in some ways the most revealing statement written by Obama. He still cannot bring himself to say that the mission in Iraq is success, even when success is clearly within our grasp. For Obama the mission is, and since his presidential announcement in February 2007 has been, to end the war, even if it means an American loss of epic proportions. And if Obama had had his way, that is exactly what would have come to pass.

Among the most striking things about Obama’s op-ed is how intellectually dishonest it is, particularly for a man who once proudly proclaimed that he would let facts rather than preconceived views dictate his positions on Iraq.Obama’s op-ed is the effort of an arrogant and intellectually rigid man, one who disdains empirical evidence and is attempting to justify the fact that he has been consistently wrong on Iraq since the war began (for more, see my April 2008 article in Commentary, “Obama’s War“).

Senator Obama is once again practicing the “old politics” he claims to stand against, which is bad enough. But that Obama would have allowed America to lose, al Qaeda and Iran to win, and the Iraqi people to suffer mass death and possibly genocide because of his ideological opposition to the war is far worse. On those grounds alone, he ought to be disqualified from being America’s next commander-in-chief.



To: Kenneth E. Phillipps who wrote (34639)7/15/2008 7:19:31 AM
From: TideGlider  Respond to of 224749
 
You might call that reserve Kenneth. He is younger and more vital than you. ;^) He has lots of money, a beautiful wife and he has had a successful career in the military and public service.

More likely you envy and despise McCain for being everything that you aren't.