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Politics : Stockman Scott's Political Debate Porch -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: American Spirit who wrote (78565)11/6/2008 11:06:16 PM
From: longnshort  Respond to of 89467
 
the DNC cheated in every state this election. the election was total fraud



To: American Spirit who wrote (78565)11/7/2008 1:51:51 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Al Gore group urges Obama to create U.S. power grid

reuters.com



To: American Spirit who wrote (78565)11/7/2008 1:58:15 PM
From: stockman_scott1 Recommendation  Respond to of 89467
 
The Obama Agenda

nytimes.com

By PAUL KRUGMAN

Tuesday, Nov. 4, 2008, is a date that will live in fame (the opposite of infamy) forever. If the election of our first African-American president didn’t stir you, if it didn’t leave you teary-eyed and proud of your country, there’s something wrong with you.

But will the election also mark a turning point in the actual substance of policy? Can Barack Obama really usher in a new era of progressive policies? Yes, he can.

Right now, many commentators are urging Mr. Obama to think small. Some make the case on political grounds: America, they say, is still a conservative country, and voters will punish Democrats if they move to the left. Others say that the financial and economic crisis leaves no room for action on, say, health care reform.

Let’s hope that Mr. Obama has the good sense to ignore this advice.

About the political argument: Anyone who doubts that we’ve had a major political realignment should look at what’s happened to Congress. After the 2004 election, there were many declarations that we’d entered a long-term, perhaps permanent era of Republican dominance. Since then, Democrats have won back-to-back victories, picking up at least 12 Senate seats and more than 50 House seats. They now have bigger majorities in both houses than the G.O.P. ever achieved in its 12-year reign.

Bear in mind, also, that this year’s presidential election was a clear referendum on political philosophies — and the progressive philosophy won.

Maybe the best way to highlight the importance of that fact is to contrast this year’s campaign with what happened four years ago. In 2004, President Bush concealed his real agenda. He basically ran as the nation’s defender against gay married terrorists, leaving even his supporters nonplussed when he announced, soon after the election was over, that his first priority was Social Security privatization. That wasn’t what people thought they had been voting for, and the privatization campaign quickly devolved from juggernaut to farce.

This year, however, Mr. Obama ran on a platform of guaranteed health care and tax breaks for the middle class, paid for with higher taxes on the affluent. John McCain denounced his opponent as a socialist and a “redistributor,” but America voted for him anyway. That’s a real mandate.

What about the argument that the economic crisis will make a progressive agenda unaffordable?

Well, there’s no question that fighting the crisis will cost a lot of money. Rescuing the financial system will probably require large outlays beyond the funds already disbursed. And on top of that, we badly need a program of increased government spending to support output and employment. Could next year’s federal budget deficit reach $1 trillion? Yes.

But standard textbook economics says that it’s O.K., in fact appropriate, to run temporary deficits in the face of a depressed economy. Meanwhile, one or two years of red ink, while it would add modestly to future federal interest expenses, shouldn’t stand in the way of a health care plan that, even if quickly enacted into law, probably wouldn’t take effect until 2011.

Beyond that, the response to the economic crisis is, in itself, a chance to advance the progressive agenda.

Now, the Obama administration shouldn’t emulate the Bush administration’s habit of turning anything and everything into an argument for its preferred policies. (Recession? The economy needs help — let’s cut taxes on rich people! Recovery? Tax cuts for rich people work — let’s do some more!)

But it would be fair for the new administration to point out how conservative ideology, the belief that greed is always good, helped create this crisis. What F.D.R. said in his second inaugural address — “We have always known that heedless self-interest was bad morals; we know now that it is bad economics” — has never rung truer.

And right now happens to be one of those times when the converse is also true, and good morals are good economics. Helping the neediest in a time of crisis, through expanded health and unemployment benefits, is the morally right thing to do; it’s also a far more effective form of economic stimulus than cutting the capital gains tax. Providing aid to beleaguered state and local governments, so that they can sustain essential public services, is important for those who depend on those services; it’s also a way to avoid job losses and limit the depth of the economy’s slump.

So a serious progressive agenda — call it a new New Deal — isn’t just economically possible, it’s exactly what the economy needs.

The bottom line, then, is that Barack Obama shouldn’t listen to the people trying to scare him into being a do-nothing president. He has the political mandate; he has good economics on his side. You might say that the only thing he has to fear is fear itself.



To: American Spirit who wrote (78565)11/7/2008 11:44:46 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Gore sees transformative power of Web in politics

computerworld.com

November 7, 2008 (IDG News Service) Barack Obama had a lot going for him already in this year's election, but his creative use of the Internet played a huge role in making him president elect, former U.S. Vice President Al Gore said Friday.

"It couldn't have happened without the Web," Gore said.

Gore closed this year's Web 2.0 Summit in San Francisco by discussing the role of the Web in the election, his involvement with an Internet TV company and the dangers of climate change. The full-capacity crowd at the Palace Hotel greeted him and sent him off with standing ovations.

Obama's innovative use of the Web during his campaign, for everything from encouraging supporters to vote to raising funds, marks a turning point in how politicians use the Internet and in how citizens can participate for social change, Gore said.

"What happened in the election opens up a whole new range of possibilities," he said. "Now's the time to really move swiftly to exploit these new possibilities."

Gore also talked about how his company Current TV, of which he is chairman and cofounder, is attempting to use the Internet to break television's decades-old monopolization of information, which he said has had negative consequences.

"A reason why the political system hasn't been operating very well until this election is the deadening influence of the TV medium as it has been operating," he said.

Asked by conference chair John Battelle if he is worried that this Web-powered social involvement among citizens will lose steam, Gore said: "No, I'm not. It's very much in its infancy, barely beginning. We aren't many years away from TV sinking into the digital world and becoming a part of it."

"The social activism that's made possible by these new tools is just beginning to take off," he added.

Gore, who has become a leading voice in recent years for the protection of the environment, said President-elect Obama should be bold in his goals to address climate change. For example, he should set a national goal for the U.S. to get all its electricity from renewable and non-carbon sources within 10 years.

"We can do it," he said, amidst heavy applause from the audience.

He cited various imminent dangers for the environment, including the 75 percent to 80 percent chance that in the next 5 years, the North Pole ice cap, which has been around for about 3 million years and is almost the size of the continental U.S., will disappear.

"This is an apocalyptic signal from the planet itself," Gore said.



To: American Spirit who wrote (78565)11/11/2008 7:09:03 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Three Men for Today's Challenges

realclearpolitics.com

November 11, 2008

By Richard Cohen

If there is a single appointment Barack Obama could make to signal how dramatically things will change in Washington, it would be to name Albert Gore Jr. -- former congressman, former senator, former vice president, former presidential candidate and current Custodian of the Planet -- as secretary of state. For all the other aspirants to the job, sorry -- this is an inconvenient truth.

Can you imagine a bolder statement about a new direction when it comes to global warming and the general care of our abused planet? Gore has won a Nobel Peace Prize for his work in this area (and an Oscar, to boot), and his appointment would signal a dramatic shift from the indifference of the Bush era with its cold shoulder to the Kyoto treaty. In one stroke, the United States would emerge as the leader of nations in the effort to save the planet from ourselves -- and prepare America for the consequences of a changed world.

The new president's urgent priority has to be the economy. He has no other choice. But given that Obama has no foreign policy background, he needs a secretary of state who can really run the nation's foreign affairs while the attention of the White House is largely directed elsewhere. Others are capable of handling the job, including of course Sen. John Kerry, currently being mentioned. But Gore has as much experience and something else as well -- he was right on the first Gulf War (voted yes) and right on the second (like Obama, he opposed it from the start).

Moving on in the Cabinet, my next choice is Lawrence Summers for Treasury secretary. He once held the post and has since been the president of Harvard, where after an academic lynching he was forced to leave. Summers has the intellect and gravitas for the job. He's a liberal, but not one who would alarm the markets. His appointment would show that Obama has the grit to stand up to some fierce Democratic Party interest groups, in this case feminists who will not forgive Summers for being intellectually curious about why women do not do as well as men at the highest levels of math. Summers can be an outstanding social klutz, but a deep recession is not a tea party. He has the tools.

Normally, the next most important Cabinet post would be Defense. But next to Gore at State, nothing would show how much the Obama administration will break from the past than by elevating the secretary of education to the inner Cabinet. My choice: Joel Klein, New York City's school chancellor.

Many people lament all the energy that is not being drilled offshore and in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge. But far fewer people get as exercised over the brainpower that is not being tapped in this country on account of an inexcusably awful education system. Klein would change that by, among other things, altering the way teachers are compensated. Good teachers would earn more than average teachers and teachers who want to teach in the toughest, meanest and most desperate schools would earn most of all.

Teachers unions -- another Democratic Party interest group -- hate merit pay, so here's another opportunity for Obama to prove his mettle. The object is to reverse the current situation where most teachers are recruited from the bottom quarter of college classes and instead go for the top quarter -- as do Finland and South Korea, two countries with excellent education systems.

It's a sad commentary on our schools that Obama is probably going to have to send his girls to a private school in Washington. It's also inexpressibly sad that so many kids pass through school -- and go straight to jail, often leaving a victim in their wake. It's good that Klein so believes that public education can be redeemed that he quit a high-paying job in private industry to take on the immense New York City school system.

This is merely my short list. I have not mentioned some truly outstanding people -- Richard Holbrooke, for instance -- nor, for that matter, am I all that confident that Gore would leave Nashville for Foggy Bottom. He's rich now and reports to no one.

Still, Gore as well as Summers and Klein know from their times in Washington -- they all served in the Clinton administration -- that if Change is going to be more than a slogan, it will have to come from determined former insiders like themselves. If they come to Washington, it won't be because they want the job. It'll be because they want the challenge.

Copyright 2008, Washington Post Writers Group



To: American Spirit who wrote (78565)11/11/2008 1:46:56 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
John Edwards to speak tonight at IU Auditorium

idsnews.com



To: American Spirit who wrote (78565)11/11/2008 8:15:43 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
A GOP Bridge to Nowhere
_______________________________________________________________

By Eugene Robinson

Tuesday, November 11, 2008

I could make the argument that all is not lost for the Republican Party -- that last Tuesday's across-the-board defeat wasn't an unmitigated disaster. But it would be a pretty dumb argument, and I doubt many readers would take it seriously. The truth is that the Grand Old Party is on a Bridge to Nowhere and may have great difficulty changing course.

The essential problem is that changing course will require turning around and marching, if not sprinting, in the opposite direction. At least initially, this doesn't look like something enough Republicans are willing to do.

What we're hearing instead from Republican politicians, pollsters and pundits is reassurance that the United States is a "center-right nation" with an innate distrust of progressive policies. The problem, these soothing voices say, is that under George W. Bush the GOP strayed from its basic philosophy of limited government and adopted the big-spending habits of the Democrats. Republicans need to rediscover their bedrock principles, this theory goes, and after a few years of rule by Barack Obama and his Democratic enablers on Capitol Hill, voters will come running home to papa.

So much is wrong with this analysis that it's hard to know where to begin. Let's start with the basic premise, that of a center-right American polity. To the extent that such a vague label has any real meaning, that may once have been the case. But if ours were a center-right electorate now, one imagines it might have been kinder to a center-right politician such as John McCain.

After all, that's what McCain basically is, or used to be. To win the Republican nomination, he had to swerve so far to the right that there was no way he could make his way back within shouting distance of the center. Not that he tried very hard: By the end of the campaign, he was suggesting that progressive taxation -- a concept that most Americans accept, having been convinced of its wisdom by Republican icon Teddy Roosevelt -- represents some sort of creeping socialism.

My guess, in any event, is that this country oscillates pretty freely in the range between center-right and center-left, and that it's clearly taking a leftward swing. My guess is that in stimulating the economy, re-regulating the financial system, making "green" technology a reality and ending the war in Iraq, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid and Obama will feel more public pressure to speed up than slow down.

Big-spending, pork-loving Republicans in Congress who suddenly recall that they're actually budget hawks -- at a time when massive spending may be needed to keep a sharp recession from turning into an outright depression -- will find themselves steamrollered by history, I'm afraid.

And then there's the question of trying to knit together the Republican Party's warring factions. Many "movement" conservatives still believe they have found a champion in Sarah Palin. A lot of pragmatists believe Louisiana Gov. Bobby Jindal represents the future of the party. Jeb Bush may be the party's most skillful and well-rounded politician, but there's the problem of that unfortunate last name.

One acute problem that Republicans could deal with quickly, but probably won't, is that the party is so far out of touch with the country -- especially with key sectors of the electorate -- on so many of the issues. Exit polls showed, for example, that McCain failed to attract significant support from women who had backed Hillary Clinton in the Democratic primaries and were bitterly disappointed by her failure to win the nomination.

He chose Palin, in part, to make a play for these voters. But two things made this gambit a nonstarter. First, Palin was, well, Palin. Second, she and her party continue to espouse a position on abortion rights that most Americans consider dangerously wrong.

And here's the truly ominous trend for the Republicans: Hispanic voters nationwide chose Obama over McCain by 67 percent to 31 percent. This is a huge shift from 2004, when George Bush won an estimated 44 percent of the Hispanic vote, and the trend was instrumental in moving states such as Florida, Nevada and Colorado into the Democratic column last Tuesday. How did the Republicans manage this feat? By blocking sensible immigration reform and appealing to the red-meat conservative base with rhetoric that could only be taken as xenophobic.

Hispanics constitute the nation's biggest and fastest-growing minority. Apparently they have no place in the "center-right America" of Republican fantasy.



To: American Spirit who wrote (78565)11/13/2008 7:35:34 PM
From: stockman_scott1 Recommendation  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
Will We Ever Learn the Truth?

washingtonpost.com

By Dan Froomkin
Special to washingtonpost.com
Thursday, November 13, 2008

Will we ever find out what President Bush really did in our name?

There's so much we still don't know -- about torture, warrantless wiretapping, and the politicization of the Justice Department, just for starters.

Once Bush leaves office, will there be congressional investigations? Criminal investigations? Bipartisan commission investigations? Will President Obama make public all the relevant records? Will ex-president Bush still try to assert executive privilege? Will it work?

Charlie Savage explores some of these questions in today's New York Times. In 1953, Congress established "a precedent suggesting that former presidents wield lingering powers to keep matters from their administration secret," he writes.

"Now, as Congressional Democrats prepare to move forward with investigations of the Bush administration, they wonder whether that claim may be invoked again. . . .

"Topics of open investigations include the harsh interrogation of detainees, the prosecution of former Gov. Don Siegelman of Alabama, secret legal memorandums from the Justice Department's Office of Legal Counsel and the role of the former White House aides Karl Rove and Harriet E. Miers in the firing of federal prosecutors. . . .

"[I]nvestigators hope that the Obama administration will open the filing cabinets and withdraw assertions of executive privilege that Bush officials have invoked to keep from testifying."

But, as Savage notes, it is not clear "how a President Barack Obama will handle such requests. Legal specialists said the pressure to investigate the Bush years would raise tough political and legal questions.

"Because every president eventually leaves office, incoming chief executives have an incentive to quash investigations into their predecessor's tenure. Mr. Bush used executive privilege for the first time in 2001, to block a subpoena by Congressional Republicans investigating the Clinton administration."

And even "if Mr. Obama decides to release information about his predecessor's tenure, Mr. Bush could try to invoke executive privilege by filing a lawsuit, said Peter Shane, a law professor at Ohio State University.

"In that case, an injunction would most likely be sought ordering the Obama administration not to release the Bush administration's papers or enjoining Mr. Bush's former aides from testifying. The dispute would probably go to the Supreme Court, Mr. Shane said."

Carrie Johnson writes in The Washington Post that Obama advisors charged with overhauling the Justice Department don't quite know where to begin, though "[t]opping the list of concerns is the Office of Legal Counsel, a once-obscure operation whose advice guides some of the government's most sensitive and controversial policies, from domestic wiretapping to the appropriateness of handing out public funding to religious groups.

"Many of the OLC's memos on interrogation and warrantless eavesdropping remain secret, even though lawmakers have clamored for their release. Democrats say they expect to find fresh surprises when they open the legal vault.

"Officials at interest groups, including the Center for American Progress and People for the American Way, have called on President-elect Barack Obama to devote significant attention to the legal office."

But Johnson writes that "Obama will have to do a careful balancing act. At a conference in Washington this week, former department criminal division chief Robert S. Litt asked that the new administration avoid fighting old battles that could be perceived as vindictive, such as seeking to prosecute government officials involved in decisions about interrogation and the gathering of domestic intelligence. Human rights groups have called for such investigations, as has House Judiciary Committee Chairman John Conyers Jr. (D-Mich.).

"'It would not be beneficial to spend a lot of time calling people up to Congress or in front of grand juries,' Litt said. 'It would really spend a lot of the bipartisan capital Obama managed to build up.'"

Salon blogger Glenn Greenwald, however, is outraged by Litt's argument: "There is a coherent way to argue against investigations and prosecutions of actions by Bush officials: one could argue that they weren't illegal. . . .

"But that's not what Litt is arguing here. Instead, his belief is that Bush officials should be protected from DOJ proceedings even if they committed crimes. And his reason for that is as petty and vapid as it is corrupt: namely, it is more important to have post-partisan harmony in our political class than it is to hold Presidents and other high officials accountable when they break the law.

"How is this anything other than a full-scale exemption issued to political leaders to break our laws? . . .

"To argue that new administrations should refrain from investigating crimes that were committed by past administrations due to the need to avoid partisan division is to announce that the rule of law does not apply to our highest political leaders. It's just as simple as that."

Meanwhile, Mark Benjamin writes for Salon: "With growing talk in Washington that President Bush may be considering an unprecedented 'blanket pardon' for people involved in his administration's brutal interrogation policies, advisors to Barack Obama are pressing ahead with plans for a nonpartisan commission to investigate alleged abuses under Bush.

"The Obama plan, first revealed by Salon in August, would emphasize fact-finding investigation over prosecution. It is gaining currency in Washington as Obama advisors begin to coordinate with Democrats in Congress on the proposal. . . .

"A common view among those involved with the talks is that any early effort to prosecute Bush administration officials would likely devolve quickly into ugly and fruitless partisan warfare. Second is that even if Obama decided he had the appetite for it, prosecutions in this arena are problematic at best. . . .

"Instead, a commission empowered by Congress would have the authority to compel witnesses to testify and even to grant immunity in exchange for information. Should a particularly ugly picture emerge, the option of prosecutions would still theoretically be on the table later, however unlikely."

Benjamin writes that constitutional scholars say issuing a blanket pardon "would be an unprecedented move." But "[t]here is no authority that can stop the president from doing so if he wishes, and there is no outside check or balance to revisit such a decision, however controversial it may be. . . .

"The politics of it would be fraught with danger, however, and could so blemish Bush's legacy that some doubt he would go so far. 'A pardon is an admission of guilt,' noted Donald Kettl, a political science professor at the University of Pennsylvania."

And as Benjamin notes, there are "some constitutional scholars who believe a pardon might actually facilitate more complete participation in a fact-finding commission, by removing the threat of looming liability."
A Commission Just for Gitmo?

Carold Rosenberg writes for the Miami Herald: "Two human rights groups urged the future Obama administration on Wednesday to appoint a well-funded commission with subpoena power to systematically examine the U.S. treatment of detainees at Guantánamo and elsewhere since the 9/11 attacks.

"Activists at the University of California, Berkeley, and the New York-based Center for Constitutional Rights made the recommendation as they released a two-year study of the impact of U.S. detention and interrogation practices on former captives at Guantánamo Bay, Cuba. . . .

"They say the group should tackle still-open questions surrounding the interrogation, detention and rehabilitation of former detainees, with an eye toward recommending criminal investigations if it uncovers 'any crimes at all levels of the chain of command.'"

A press release quotes Eric Stover, director of the UC Berkeley Human Rights Center and co-author of the report, saying: "We cannot sweep this dark chapter in our nation's history under the rug by simply closing the Guantánamo prison camp. The new administration must investigate what went wrong and who should be held accountable."

And Patricia Wald, who served on the U.S. Court of Appeals and the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, is quoted as saying: "Carefully researched and devoid of rhetoric, the UC Berkeley report adds a new chapter to America's dismal descent into the netherworld of prisoner abuse since the tragic events of 9/11. It provides new insights into the lingering consequences of unjust detention."
Scooter Libby Watch

Meanwhile, MSNBC's Chris Matthews launched a pardon countdown of sorts on his show last night: "We spent many months here on Hardball focusing early attention on the role played by the vice president's office in pushing the case for the Iraq war, often the bogus case, especially the argument that Iraq was trying to buy nuclear materials in Africa.

"Well, last year, the vice president's chief of staff, Scooter Libby, was convicted of multiple felony counts for lying and obstructing justice in the matter. At the time, the prosecutors said there was a cloud hanging over the vice president himself.

"Well, having commuted Mr. Libby's sentence, the question is whether or not -- or whether when President Bush will grant Scooter Libby a full pardon. He has 69 days to do it."



To: American Spirit who wrote (78565)11/13/2008 10:16:29 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Hillary Clinton emerges as State dept candidate

news.yahoo.com