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Politics : Obama Watch -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Crimson Ghost who wrote (65)11/23/2008 2:59:21 PM
From: LTK007  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 290
 
Obama may delay tax-cut rollback for wealthy
( another betrayal--like surprise)

WASHINGTON (Reuters) – President-elect Barack Obama may consider delaying a campaign promise - to roll back tax cuts on high-income Americans - as part of his economic recovery strategy, two aides said on Sunday.

David Axelrod, the Obama campaign strategist who was chosen to be a senior White House adviser, was asked if the tax cuts could be allowed to expire on schedule after tax year 2010 rather than being rolled back by legislation earlier. "Those considerations will be made," he said on "Fox News Sunday."

Bill Daley, an adviser to Obama and commerce secretary under former President Bill Clinton, said on NBC's "Meet the Press" that the 2010 scenario "looks more likely than not."

President George W. Bush's tax cuts are set to expire at the end of 2010. After that they would revert to 2001 levels, when the top individual tax rate was 39.6 percent.

Obama has called for reducing taxes for the middle class, but requiring the wealthiest Americans to pay more than the current top rate of 35 percent.

His aides' comments suggest Obama may be wary of imposing any additional tax burden at a time of deep crisis, despite the outlook for record budget deficits and mounting national debt. He may also be seeking to bolster Republican support for his recovery measures.

"The main thing right now is to get this economic recovery package on the road, to get money in the pockets of the middle class, to get these projects going, to get America working again, and that's where we're going to be focused in January," Axelrod said.

Obama said on Saturday he was crafting an aggressive two-year stimulus plan to revive the economy, aiming to save 2.5 million jobs by January 2011 through projects including transportation infrastructure, school modernization and alternative energy.

Obama called in October for a $175 billion stimulus measure, but he suggested he was ready to push for a much larger package.

U.S. Sen. Charles Schumer, a New York Democrat who is part of the majority leadership team in the Senate, told ABC's "This Week" that an economic recovery package between $500 billion and $700 billion is needed and could be ready by the time Obama takes office on January 20.

"I think it has to be deep. In my view it has to be between five and seven hundred billion dollars," Schumer said.

(Additional reporting by Donna Smith; Editing by Doina Chiacu)



To: Crimson Ghost who wrote (65)11/29/2008 2:53:57 PM
From: LTK0071 Recommendation  Respond to of 290
 
The Slow Death of Gaza

The collective punishment of Gaza's civilian population is illegal. But international law was tossed aside long ago

by Andrea Becker
guardian.co.uk, Monday November 24 2008 10.00 GMT


It has been two weeks since Israel imposed a complete closure of Gaza, after months when its crossings have been open only for the most minimal of humanitarian supplies. Now it is even worse: two weeks without United Nations food trucks for the 80% of the population entirely dependent on food aid, and no medical supplies or drugs for Gaza's ailing hospitals. No fuel (paid for by the EU) for Gaza's electricity plant, and no fuel for the generators during the long blackouts. Last Monday morning, 33 trucks of food for UN distribution were finally let in – a few days of few supplies for very few, but as the UN asks, then what?

Israel's official explanation for blocking even minimal humanitarian aid, according to IDF spokesperson Major Peter Lerner, was "continued rocket fire and security threats at the crossings". Israel's blockade, in force since Hamas seized control of Gaza in mid-2007, can be described as an intensification of policies designed to isolate the population of Gaza, cripple its economy, and incentivise the population against Hamas by harsh – and illegal – measures of collective punishment. However, these actions are not all new: the blockade is but the terminal end of Israel's closure policy, in place since 1991, which in turn builds on Israel's policies as occupier since 1967.

In practice, Israel's blockade means the denial of a broad range of items – food, industrial, educational, medical – deemed "non-essential" for a population largely unable to be self-sufficient at the end of decades of occupation. It means that industrial, cooking and diesel fuel, normally scarce, are virtually absent now. There are no queues at petrol stations; they are simply shut. The lack of fuel in turn means that sewage and treatment stations cannot function properly, resulting in decreased potable water and tens of millions of litres of untreated or partly treated sewage being dumped into the sea every day. Electricity cuts – previously around eight hours a day, now up to 16 hours a day in many areas – affect all homes and hospitals. Those lucky enough to have generators struggle to find the fuel to make them work, or spare parts to repair them when they break from overuse. Even candles are running out.

There can be no dispute that measures of collective punishment against the civilian population of Gaza are illegal under international humanitarian law. Fuel and food cannot be withheld or wielded as reward or punishment. But international law was tossed aside long ago. The blockade has been presented as punishment for the democratic election of Hamas, punishment for its subsequent takeover of Gaza, and punishment for militant attacks on Israeli civilians. The civilians of Gaza, from the maths teacher in a United Nations refugee camp to the premature baby in an incubator, properly punished for actions over which they have no control, will rise up and get rid of Hamas. Or so it goes.

And so what of these civilian agents of political change?

For all its complexities and tragedies, the over-arching effect of Israel's blockade has been to reduce the entire population to survival mode. Individuals are reduced to the daily detail of survival, and its exhaustions.

Consider Gaza's hospital staff. In hospitals, the blockade is as seemingly benign as doctors not having paper upon which to write diagnostic results or prescriptions, and as sinister as those seconds – between power cut and generator start – when a child on life support doesn't have the oxygen of a mechanical ventilator. A nurse on a neo-natal ward rushes between patients, battling the random schedule of power cuts. A hospital worker tries to keep a few kidney dialysis machines from breaking down, by farming spare parts from those that already have. The surgeon operates without a bulb in the surgery lamp, across from the anaesthetist who can no longer prevent patient pain. The hospital administrator updates lists of essential drugs and medical supplies that have run out, which vaccines from medical fridges are now unusable because they can't be kept cold, and which procedures must be cancelled altogether. The ambulance driver decides whether to respond to an emergency call, based on dwindling petrol in the tank.

By reducing the population to survival mode, the blockade robs people of the time and essence to do anything but negotiate the minutiae of what is and isn't possible in their personal and professional lives. Whether any flour will be available to make bread, where it might be found, how much it now costs. Rich or poor, taxi drivers, human rights defenders, and teachers alike spend hours speculating about where a canister of cooking gas might be found. Exhaustion is gripping hold of all in Gaza. Survival leaves little if no room for political engagement – and beyond exhaustion, anger and frustration are all that is left.



To: Crimson Ghost who wrote (65)12/1/2008 12:04:44 PM
From: LTK007  Respond to of 290
 
CG, if you missed watching the introduction to the new cabinet, be grateful you did. Max



To: Crimson Ghost who wrote (65)12/15/2008 9:38:11 PM
From: LTK007  Respond to of 290
 
Operation Infinite Imperialism
December 11, 2008
inthesetimes.com

Two recent books examine America’s military and diplomatic forays into South and Central Asia.

By Robert S. Eshelman

"The question now is: How close will President Obama hew to this disastrous path?"
************************
In October, an avalanche of events crashed down on the Bush administration’s unbelievable statements about stability in Afghanistan.

Stories emerged, documenting the connections of Afghan President Hamid Karzai’s brother to the opium trade. Then, the U.S. military released a report stating that 30 civilians had been killed in an August airstrike — not the five to seven deaths it had previously claimed. The new figures were still well below 90 deaths the U.N. and Afghan government estimated. This was followed by a leaked version of a National Intelligence Estimate that stated Afghanistan was in a “downward spiral,” and warned of increasing Taliban attacks from within Pakistan.

Even the administration’s most tepid critics wondered how seven years after the invasion of Afghanistan, the situation there has deteriorated so drastically. For several months, military casualties in Afghanistan have outnumbered those in Iraq, while the Taliban has begun to focus its attacks within the territory of America’s ally Pakistan.

Two recent books examine America’s military and diplomatic forays into South and Central Asia over the past several decades. Together, these books — Pakistani journalist Ahmed Rashid’s Descent Into Chaos (Viking, June) and British-Pakistani journalist Tariq Ali’s The Duel (Simon and Schuster, September) — survey the mangled wreckage of failed states, warlords and dictators, refugees, and nascent social justice movements crushed by brute force.

With Obama elected on promises of increased military deployments to Afghanistan and action against the Taliban within Pakistan, these books appear at a critical time.

Couched in the most generous terms, Rashid and Ali depict America as an incompetent and ill-informed actor, woefully ignorant of the region’s history and politics. Frequently, though, the authors show us a vicious nation that showers bombs upon Afghan villages or gives a nod and a wink to Pakistani repression of students, lawyers and the lower classes. And they describe the haunting world of America’s historic support for Islamic extremists — the very ones who are supposedly at the heart of the war on terror, but are reaping the rewards from it.

Rashid’s decades of reporting experience in the region are on display in Descent. His gloss of the region is thick with intrigue and overflowing with detailed accounts of Afghanistan, Pakistan and the five independent states of Central Asia. No regional conflict is left untreated — be it Kashmir, Baluchistan or the Uighurs in China.

Rashid opens with a twined story of Karzai’s return to Afghanistan and a history of that nation, then moves through an encyclopedic account of the push and shove between Pakistan and its neighbors — India and Afghanistan — the rise of the Taliban, and the U.S. role in the region. He moves methodically through the region’s post-9/11 shocks and the many failed international attempts to prop up a nascent Afghan state and to snuff out the Taliban.

Rashid also traces the influence of Pakistan’s military intelligence agency, the Inter-Services Intelligence Directorate, or ISI. What emerges is a fascinating story of this secretive agency’s tremendous power over Pakistan’s internal politics. A consistent subplot to American failure is the awesome ability of the ISI to play all sides, extracting much and giving away little, all the while spawning new extremist cadres.

Rashid writes, “The U.S. failure to secure this region may well lead to global terrorism, nuclear proliferation and a drug epidemic on a scale that we have not yet experienced and I can only hope we never will.”

But Rashid’s sources — ranging from anonymous U.S. government officials to Karzai — also cloud his analysis, particularly of Afghanistan. Rashid views the failures there as technocratic ones. In other words, replace a few dim-witted bureaucrats and elevate Afghanistan’s priority within international diplomatic circles, and the nation could be pulled from the jaws of failure.

But is this really the case? It’s a mantra Rashid’s political elite sources repeat over and over. He seems never to consider the contradictory imperatives of a military dispatched to extend U.S. power abroad, on one hand, and the acute humanitarian needs of the Afghan people — or the democratic needs of those in Pakistan and other Central Asian states — on the other.

What Rashid interprets as an incoherency of international planning is actually a naked view of American power at work. It mobilizes support in Europe, Central Asia and Pakistan in order to further its own interests, not those of Afghans or Pakistanis pining for democracy.

Providing a needed corrective, in The Duel, Ali focuses on the conflicting interests of state power and democracy, which is what Rashid is most silent on. In Ali’s account, Pakistan stands in opposition to generations of Pakistanis, Bangladeshis and Baluchis seeking democratic reforms and, sometimes, revolutionary change.

Ali’s account tempers the sensationalist American spin around Pakistani politics. He writes: “The West prefers to view Pakistan through a single optic. [The media gives] the impression that the main, if not the only, problem confronting Pakistan is the power of the bearded fanatics … who … are on the verge of taking over the county.”

Paranoid about nuclear-armed mullahs, the U.S. government heaps cash and arms upon the military regime. It’s a narrative that successive Pakistani leaders play to the hilt. But instead of using U.S. aid to fight jihadis in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas, the Pakistani government deploys it against those seeking a democratic change or a voice in Pakistani affairs.

The Duel serves as an excellent corollary — albeit taking a much more critical view of political elites and international relations — to Rashid’s Descent. But stark differences between the two exist — particularly on the efficacy of military intervention in achieving humanitarian ends. Yet together the books illuminate the histories of Central and South Asia and the perilous path that America has undertaken by hitching itself to Pakistan’s military leadership.

The question now is: How close will President Obama hew to this disastrous path?

Robert Eshelman's articles have appeared in The Brooklyn Rail, In These Times and The Nation.



To: Crimson Ghost who wrote (65)1/15/2009 8:37:56 PM
From: LTK007  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 290
 
Israel Attacks UN HQ in Gaza With ‘White Phosphorus’ Shells
Israel Defends Attack on Building Sheltering 700 Civilians, Storing Food
Posted January 15, 2009

The headquarters of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) in the Gaza Strip was attacked today by Israeli artillery, sparking a fire which continues to burn. The compound was reportedly housing 700 civilian refugees and storehouses of increasingly scarce food aid at the time of the attack.

But perhaps even more pressing is the nature of the attack, which UNRWA spokesman Chris Gunness said was hit with shells containing the incendiary agent white phosphorus. “What more stark symbolism do you need?” asked the spokesman. “You can’t put out white phosphorus with traditional methods such as fire extinguishers. You need sand. We don’t have sand.”

Though Gunness says Israeli Defense Minister Ehud Barak termed the attack “a grave mistake,” Prime Minister Ehud Olmert defended the attack, saying it made him sad but it was legitimate self defense. Israeli forces claimed the headquarters was being used by “militants” who were attacking the invading Israeli troops.

Israel has retroactively accused Hamas of being at the sites of several of their most serious incidents of attacking civilian targets, but has generally been light on evidence to back up those claims. In an attack on a United Nations girls’ school full of civilians last week, the Israeli military claimed to have video evidence, which later turned out to be a YouTube video over a year old from a different school in a different city. Israel has repeatedly revised their story on that attack since the incident.

The latest attack has sparked yet another international outcry against Israel for its now 20 day old war on the Gaza Strip. UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon declared the spiraling civilian death toll “unbearable,” while European Union Aid Commissioner Louis Michel was “deeply shocked and dismayed to learn of this incident.”

The use of white phosphorus as a weapon of war in civilian areas is banned under the Geneva Conventions’ Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons, though Israel has repeatedly denied that it is doing so. Still, rising evidence is putting that story, like so many other official stories during this war, in serious doubt.

Below is a video from CNN covering the phosphorus fires at the compound.