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Politics : President Barack Obama -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: RetiredNow who wrote (46352)12/6/2008 12:42:02 PM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 149317
 
Obama discusses economic plan to save and create 2 Million jobs
_______________________________________________________________

By ANN SANNER
Associated Press
December 6, 2008

CHICAGO — President-elect Barack Obama said today he's asked his economic team for a recovery plan that saves or creates more than 2 million jobs, makes public buildings more energy-efficient and invests in the country's roads and schools.

"We won't just throw money at the problem," Obama said in his weekly radio address and Internet video. "We'll measure progress by the reforms we make and the results we achieve — by the jobs we create, by the energy we save, by whether America is more competitive in the world."

Obama's remarks come after the Labor Department announced Friday that employers cut 533,000 jobs in November, the most in 34 years.

Obama said his plan would put millions of people to work by "making the single largest new investment in our national infrastructure since the creation of the federal highway system in the 1950s."

He also wants to install energy-saving light bulbs and replace old heating systems in federal buildings to cut costs and create jobs.

School buildings would get an upgrade, too. "Because to help our children compete in a 21st century economy, we need to send them to 21st century schools," Obama said.

As a part of the plan, Obama said he wants to expand Internet access in communities. Hospitals also should be connected to each other online.

"Here, in the country that invented the Internet, every child should have the chance to get online," he said.

Obama said he would announce other details of the economic recovery plan in the coming weeks. He said he'd work with Congress to pass the initiative when lawmakers reconvene in January.



To: RetiredNow who wrote (46352)12/6/2008 12:52:46 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 149317
 
Obama on Meet The Press for the hour Sunday...

msnbc.msn.com

December 7, 2008

Exclusive! In his first Sunday morning television interview since winning the election, President-Elect Barack Obama goes one-on-one with Tom Brokaw about his plans for the country and his new administration.



To: RetiredNow who wrote (46352)12/6/2008 5:01:39 PM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 149317
 
Team of Heavyweights

washingtonpost.com

By Henry A. Kissinger
WASHINGTON POST OP-ED
Friday, December 5, 2008

President-elect Barack Obama has appointed an extraordinary team for national security policy. On its face, it violates certain maxims of conventional wisdom: that appointing to the Cabinet individuals with an autonomous constituency, and who therefore are difficult to fire, circumscribes presidential control; that appointing as national security adviser, secretary of state and secretary of defense individuals with established policy views may absorb the president's energies in settling disputes among strong-willed advisers.

It took courage for the president-elect to choose this constellation and no little inner assurance -- both qualities essential for dealing with the challenge of distilling order out of a fragmenting international system. In these circumstances, ignoring conventional wisdom may prove to have been the precondition for creativity. Both Obama and the secretary of state-designate, Sen. Hillary Clinton, must have concluded that the country and their commitment to public service require their cooperation.

Those who take the phrase "team of rivals" literally do not understand the essence of the relationship between the president and the secretary of state. I know of no exception to the principle that secretaries of state are influential if and only if they are perceived as extensions of the president. Any other course weakens the president and marginalizes the secretary. The Beltway system of leak and innuendo will mercilessly seek to widen any even barely visible split. Foreign governments will exploit the rift by pursuing alternative White House-State Department diplomacies. Effective foreign policy and a significant role for the State Department in it require that the president and the secretary of state have a common vision of international order, overall strategy and tactical measures. Inevitable disagreements should be settled privately; indeed, the ability of the secretary to warn and question is in direct proportion to the discretion with which such queries are expressed.

The U.S. Foreign Service is an incomparable instrument honed by lifetimes of dedicated service. Like every elite service, it does not avoid a certain clannishness. The views of those who did not rise through its ranks are not always taken seriously enough, perhaps on the theory that they could not have passed the Foreign Service exam. Secretaries of state have been frustrated by its complex internal clearances, and presidents have complained in their memoirs about how slowly it reacts.

In its daily business, the State Department is in effect a big cable machine responding to thousands of reports from posts all over the world. In the vast majority of cases, these deal with the immediate; there is no institutional filter on behalf of the long-range. Processed through the various assistant secretaries for formal action, only a small percentage of these cables ever reach the secretary, and even fewer make it to the White House. Geopolitical and strategic considerations have no organic constituency. Though a Policy Planning Council exists, its activities are often shunted off into non-operational, semi-academic sideshows or, most frequently, into speechwriting.

No one can question the secretary-designate's leadership potential for breaking through encrusted patterns or her formidable presence in a negotiation. Her most immediate challenges are to provide strategic guidance and to reorganize the department so that its implementing capacity matches its extraordinary reporting skill. This role of the secretary is all the more important because, organizationally, the State Department is geared more toward the secretary than the White House.

No one has ever been appointed national security adviser who had the command experience of retired Gen. James L. Jones, the former head of the Marine Corps and NATO commander. Inevitably, the facilitating function of the security adviser will be accompanied by a role in policymaking based on a vast, almost unique, experience.

The maxim that the national security adviser should act as a traffic cop, not a participant in the policy process, is more theoretical than practical. No president will feel obliged to limit advice to flow charts prescribed by schools of public administration. Whenever a department insists on its bureaucratic entitlements vis-a-vis the White House, it has already lost half the battle. And the frequency of the security adviser's contact with the president makes the distinction between management and policy advice psychologically untenable.

Ideally, the task of the national security adviser is to ensure that no policy fails for reasons that could have been foreseen but were not and that no opportunity is missed for lack of foresight. The security adviser takes care that the president is given all relevant options and that the execution of policy reflects the spirit of the original decision. Departments tend to equate internal morale with the adoption of their own recommendations and are prone to interpret decisions in the sense closest to their proposals. The security adviser's role in insisting -- if necessary -- on additional or more complete options or on more precision in execution is therefore not universally embraced.

The security adviser inevitably has the advantage of propinquity. His or her office is 50 feet from the president's; the secretary of state is 10 minutes away. That difference seems to ensure special access for the security adviser. Then, institutionally, the security adviser works almost exclusively on problems of concern to the president. The secretary of state has many clients around the world requiring attention, sometimes not of overwhelming presidential interest. The secretary also travels frequently, while the security adviser is almost always within reach of the president. His special relationship to the president requires a delicacy in conduct not always achieved by security advisers, including myself.

The continuation in office of Robert Gates as secretary of defense is an important balancing element in that process. Alone among the key players, he is at the end, not the beginning, of his policy contribution. Having agreed to stay on in a transitional role, he cannot be interested in the jockeying that accompanies all new administrations. The incoming administration must have appointed him with the awareness that he would not reverse his previous convictions. He must make the difficult adjustment from one administration to another -- a tribute to the nonpartisan nature of the conduct of his office in the Bush administration. He is a guarantor of continuity but also the shepherd of necessary innovation.

Process is no substitute for substance, of course. But even with this caveat, the new national security team encourages the hope that America is moving beyond its divisions to its opportunities.

-The writer was national security adviser to President Richard M. Nixon and secretary of state under Presidents Nixon and Gerald R. Ford.



To: RetiredNow who wrote (46352)12/6/2008 6:52:34 PM
From: tejek1 Recommendation  Respond to of 149317
 
December 6, 2008

At G.M., Innovation Sacrificed to Profits

By MICHELINE MAYNARD

General Motors did not apologize for anything in its first trip to Congress more than two weeks ago to plead for a federal rescue. The company’s only problem, it insisted, was the current financial crisis.

“What exposes us to failure now is not our product lineup, or our business plan, or our long-term strategy,” Rick Wagoner, G.M.’s chief executive, said in his testimony.

On its return visit to a skeptical Congress this week, however, General Motors bowed its head. “G.M. has made mistakes in the past,” Mr. Wagoner told Congress, and named three: agreeing to expensive union contracts, not investing enough in smaller cars and failing to convert its plants so they could build more than one type of vehicle.

It was an unusual concession from a company that has rarely felt the need to apologize for anything, given its bragging rights as the world’s largest automaker with operations in 35 countries, and as a company that has built 445 million vehicles and sat atop corporate America for much of its 100-year history.

But the mistakes Mr. Wagoner acknowledged do not begin to explain why General Motors finds itself on the brink of insolvency, begging Congress for financial help.

G.M.’s biggest failing, reflected in a clear pattern over recent decades, has been its inability to strike a balance between those inside the company who pushed for innovation ahead of the curve, and the finance executives who worried more about returns on investment.

The two views were rarely in sync — in effect, fighting over the steering wheel that controlled G.M.’s direction — and the internal battles distracted G.M. from spotting shifts in the marketplace.

Time and again over the last 30 years, G.M. has spent billions of dollars on innovative ideas like its Saturn small-car company in the 1980s and the EV1 electric vehicle in the 1990s, only to then deprive those projects of further financing because money was needed elsewhere or because they were not delivering enough profit.

The failure is frustrating to those who remember the high value placed on innovation by legendary company leaders like Alfred P. Sloan Jr. and Charles E. Wilson, who felt G.M. could sell cars to the masses by demonstrating it was out in front.

“Until the 1960s, innovation was part of G.M.’s DNA,” said John Casesa, a veteran industry analyst with the Casesa Shapiro Group. “Now, it’s a matter of trying to play catch-up.”

One such area is hybrid technology, an area where G.M. might be leading if it had encouraged the engineers who led its hybrid development as long ago as the 1970s, and continued building on expertise it gained with the EV1.

While Toyota has sold more than 600,000 Prius hybrids in the United States since 2000, General Motors will not start selling its Volt plug-in hybrid until 2010, when it hopes to sell 10,000 of them in the first year.

“We were late on hybrids,” George M. C. Fisher, the lead outside director on G.M.’s board, said in an interview this week. “Why were we late? We made a business decision as opposed to a marketing decision. That’s probably a mistake, in retrospect.”

Another, as Mr. Wagoner said last week, was its slow reaction to greater demand for smaller, more fuel-efficient vehicles. Although more are on the way, the only small car in its vast lineup of models to compete with the likes of the Honda Fit and the Toyota Yaris is the Chevrolet Aveo, a car made in Korea by G.M.’s Daewoo subsidiary.

General Motors has tried to answer the call for greater fuel efficiency in the short run by outfitting some of its pickups, big S.U.V.’s and larger cars with hybrid-electric engines, but they have not caught on with consumers.

In the early 1990s, the company lagged Chrysler’s Jeep and Ford by five years in bringing an S.U.V. to market with mass appeal. Once it had ramped up its offerings, G.M. was reluctant to shift from big profitable vehicles to building small, less profitable cars, even when gas prices spiked.

By contrast, Ford, which also minted profits on a lineup heavy with S.U.V.’s, shifted its lineup faster to cars, although it still does not have one that can compete directly with the Fit and Yaris.

“We would have been chastised the other way if we had missed that opportunity,” said Mr. Fisher, referring to its decision to focus so many resources on producing S.U.V.’s. “Giving consumers what they want is not a bad business decision.”

Indeed, that approach worked well for G.M. for decades.

Its strategy of offering consumers an array of brands and choices, like the 70 different models across eight separate brands that it sells now, was meant to fulfill the goal set by its legendary chairman, Alfred P. Sloan, to offer a “a car for every purse and purpose.”

(The idea was meant to contrast with Henry Ford’s quip that a consumer could have any color he wanted, “as long as it’s black.”)

G.M. executives have long defended the myriad choices as necessary to defend the company’s turf in a market crowded with competition both from across town as well as overseas. Likewise, its bet was always that G.M., with its enormous marketing and research and development budget, could afford to offer such options.

Only now, in its second plea to Congress, did it acknowledge what just about every industry analyst has said for years: that G.M. has too many brands, now that its market share has fallen by nearly two-thirds from its peak in 1960 to just 22 percent today.

G.M. said last week that it would focus on just four core brands — Chevrolet, Buick, GMC and Cadillac — and sell or play down Saturn, Pontiac, Saab and Hummer.

The goal, it said in its new plan, is “to focus available resources and growth strategies on the company’s profitable operations.”

That may sound like an obvious strategy for any car company, but the automobile industry, like the aviation business, involves bets of billions of dollars that may not pay off for years, if at all.

For those willing to gamble and to follow through on their bets — like Chrysler did with minivans, like Toyota did with Prius and as Honda has done with its focus on fuel efficiency even when gas was cheap — the payoff in sales and reputation can be enormous.

But G.M., despite its tradition of fostering innovation, has often been impatient for profits to emerge.

Mr. Casesa said that pattern stemmed from the fact that so many of the company’s top executives had a background in finance, not in engineering and designing cars and trucks.

For the last half-century, virtually all of G.M.’s chief executives, including Mr. Wagoner, have come from its financial side, which has judged most initiatives based on whether they will be profitable.

That “earn it” philosophy has led to the demise of some of G.M.’s most publicized efforts to try something new, like the EV1 electric car, which G.M. leased to owners from 1996 to 1999, before killing the program as too expensive.

It also led G.M. not to introduce any new Saturn models for five years during the 1990s, effectively starving the division of new products that might have lured in new customers.

By contrast, Toyota lost money for years on Prius, which never caught on in Japan until Toyota halved its price. Likewise, Prius might have remained a cult car in the United States had gas prices remained low. But Prius sold out once prices topped $3 a gallon, and gave Toyota political cover when it introduced the big Tundra pickup truck in 2007.

Worries over profits has also stifled innovation at G.M. Engineers actually started work on minivans a decade before Chrysler popularized them in the 1980s, said David Cole, chairman of the Center for Automotive Research in Ann Arbor, Mich., and the son of a former G.M. president, who has advised G.M. for years. But G.M.’s finance staff refused to give the go-ahead.

“They looked at it and thought, ‘Why would people need minivans if they had station wagons?’ “ Mr. Cole said. After Chrysler’s vans were a big hit, G.M. tried to capture attention in the early 1990s with a series of slope-nosed vans derided as “Dustbusters” that failed to sell well. After other attempts, General Motors stopped selling minivans this year.

G.M.’s failure to press forward with its own hybrids was a deep disappointment to Robert C. Stempel, the former chief executive who gave the go-ahead to the EV1 program during his brief tenure in the early 1990s.

“I’m furious,” Mr. Stempel said in a 2003 interview. “G.M. had the technology. The lead was there. I know it.”

This week, Mr. Wagoner told Congress that G.M. would innovate once more, this time in the hope of securing some sort of aid. The company’s restructuring plan, he said, is “a blueprint for creating a new General Motors, one that is lean, profitable, self-sustaining and fully committed to product excellence and technology leadership.”

This new blueprint undoubtedly was not what Mr. Wagoner had in mind less than three months ago, when he stood before hundreds of employees and executives to mark G.M.’s centennial.

“What’s our assignment for today and tomorrow?” Mr. Wagoner asked, and then provided the answer. “Above all, it’s to demonstrate to the world that we are more than a 100-year-old company. We’re a company that’s ready to lead for 100 years to come.”

Now the question is whether G.M. will make it to its 101st birthday as a solvent company.

Nick Bunkley and Bill Vlasic contributed reporting.

nytimes.com