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To: combjelly who wrote (456688)2/15/2009 1:05:51 PM
From: longnshort  Respond to of 1577025
 
Thursday, 13 November 2008
New Zealand's recovery from the great depression

This piece from Greasley and Oxley (2002) suggests that changes to New Zealand's monetary regime was behind the recovery from the depression here.

New Zealand's recovery from the Great Depression was unusually fast, and was associated with a fundamental shift in monetary regime. The new regime ended the conventional sterling standard, and diminished the influence of the trading banks on monetary conditions in New Zealand. Since the trading banks' operations spanned to Australia, the new monetary regime also decoupled the Dominion's monetary conditions from those across the Tasman. Devaluation and the formation of a reserve bank underpinned the new regime. This article shows that monetary growth in New Zealand was dramatically faster in the 1930s than it would have been had the old regime survived the Great Depression. New Zealand's nominal money stock, measured by M1, fell during the years 1923-9, but almost doubled between 1929 and 1939. The new monetary regime stimulated a recovery from New Zealand's long depression of the 1920s, as well as from the Great Depression. Had the old regime survived, New Zealand's GDP per caput in 1938 would have been around one-third lower.

New Zealand's recovery experience in the 1930s differed sharply from that of other export economies of the periphery, and was based on a new monetary regime that took effect in two stages. In contrast to what happened in Brazil, Mexico, and Australia, devaluation was chosen rather than forced, and eventually associated with a new inflationary regime. Initially, though, devaluation in New Zealand promoted recovery, in 1933, by redistributing income to the hard-pressed farm sector (the 'Copland effect'). Subsequently, during 1934-5, New Zealand's record to some extent mirrors that of the Argentine where the destruction of deflationary sentiments also ameliorated the depression (the 'Mundell effect'). However, New Zealand went much further, by more than doubling money supply between 1932 and 1937, which led to lower real interest rates (the 'Keynes effect').

New Zealand's experience also differed from that of the US, where monetary growth woe initially rapid but was curtailed in 1936 by the Federal Reserve increasing reserve requirements to counter possible inflation. Moreover, the strategy for redistributing income towards farmers in New Zealand did not rest, as it did in the US, on output restrictions, but on monetary manipulation. In concert, the three mutually reinforcing
monetary transmission mechanisms, the 'Copland', 'Keynes', and 'Mundell' effects, stimulated powerfully real economic recovery. The growth potential of New Zealand's economy was strong in the 1920s but constrained by a deflationary regime. The Great Depression destroyed the Dominion's old monetary regime, and the new regime promoted a remarkable recovery.

So again fiscal policy was not the driver of recovery from the Great Depression.

* David Greasley and Les Oxley, "Regime shift and fast recovery on the periphery: New Zealand in the 1930s", Economic History Review, LV, 4 (2002), pp. 697-720.

antidismal.blogspot.com



To: combjelly who wrote (456688)2/15/2009 1:08:00 PM
From: longnshort1 Recommendation  Respond to of 1577025
 
Sunday, 16 November 2008
Getting out of the depression

Steve Pierson over at the Labour Party site, The Standard, has been writing on the Great Depression. Unfortunately largely wrongly. He writes

Laissez-faire capitalism, whereby the ‘invisible hand of the market’ ruled, had failed ...

Well no. "Laissez-faire capitalism" didn't fail as it had never been tried. Pierson goes on

President Roosevelt termed his economic program to lift the US out of the Great Depression ‘the New Deal’.

and

A new deal was needed to restore the living conditions of workers and, ultimately, to protect capital from revolution. The New Deal replaced hands-off government with active state capitalism - the Government increased participation in the economy by investing in new sectors and job-intensive infrastructure, created better unemployment benefits, and improved regulation of financial markets. It also increased the legal powers of organised labour to put unions on a more equal footing with capital.

While it is true Roosevelt called it a New Deal, it is not true that it lifted the US out of the depression. The New Deal is often seen, in part, as a fiscal driven economic stimulus package. But it is debatable as how much stimulus it actually gave. Also as economic historian Christina Romer has written, see here for more,

This paper examines the role of aggregate demand stimulus in ending the Great Depression. A simple calculation indicates that nearly all of the observed recovery of the U.S. economy prior to 1942 was due to monetary expansion.

Ben Bernanke isn't that enthusiastic about the New Deal's results in dealing with the depression either. He writes, see here for more,

Our [work with Martin Parkinson] own view at present is that the New Deal is better characterized as having "cleared the way" for a natural recovery (e.g., by ending deflation and rehabilitating the financial system), rather than as being the engine of recovery itself.

So monetary policy not fiscal policy got the US out of the depression. Is the US different in this regard? No seems the best answer to that. As Mark Koyama has said of the situation in the UK, for more see here,

In the UK however as in the US expansionary fiscal policy was not used. The 'Treasury view' prevailed and the first 'Keynesian budget' had to wait until 1941 and then it was used to check inflation and not to stimulate demand (readers with access to JSTOR can read Alan's Booth 1983 paper here). Monetary policy drove the recovery by sparking a boom in the construction industry.

What of New Zealand? See here for evidence that changes to New Zealand's monetary regime were behind the recovery from the depression. So all of these cases show monetary policy to be the main driver of the escape from the depression, not New deals.

What then did the New Deal do? Donald J. Boudreaux writes,

Andrew Wilson is right: the New Deal did not end the Great Depression ("Five Myths About the Great Depression," November 4). No less an authority than FDR's Treasury secretary and close friend, Henry Morganthau, conceded this fact to Congressional Democrats in May 1939: "We have tried spending money. We are spending more than we have ever spent before and it does not work. And I have just one interest, and if I am wrong ... somebody else can have my job. I want to see this country prosperous. I want to see people get a job. I want to see people get enough to eat. We have never made good on our promises ... I say after eight years of this Administration we have just as much unemployment as when we started ... And an enormous debt to boot!"*

Indeed, FDR's market-suffocating policies are almost surely what put the "Great" in "Great Depression."

Why did the New Deal put the "Great" in "Great Depression? One reason is the notion of regime uncertainty which is due to the economic historian Robert Higgs. Higgs introduced the idea in a paper Regime Uncertainty: Why the Great Depression Lasted So Long and Why Prosperity Resumed after the War. His purpose was to explain why the depression lasted so long in the US. Higgs writes,

I shall argue here that the economy remained in the depression as late as 1940 because private investment had never recovered sufficiently after its collapse during the Great Contraction. (p.563)

The Great Contraction refers to the macroeconomic collapse that occurred between 1929 and 1933. Higgs goes on to say,

I shall argue further that the insufficiency of private investment from 1935 through 1940 reflected a pervasive uncertainty among investors about the security of their property rights in their capital and its prospective returns. (p.563)

If businesspeople are uncertain as to whether or not they will capture the returns to their investments they will be reluctant to invest. Later Higgs explains,

The hypothesis is a variant of an old idea: the willingness of businesspeople to invest requires a sufficiently healthy state of “business confidence,” and the Second New Deal ravaged the requisite confidence. (p.568)

and

To narrow the concept of business confidence, I adopt the interpretation that businesspeople may be more or less “uncertain about the regime,” by which I mean, distressed that investors’ private property rights in their capital and the income it yields will be attenuated further by government action. (p.568)

Another reason for the prolonged depression comes from the work UCLA economists Harold L. Cole and Lee E. Ohanian. They conclude in their 2004 study that New Deal policies thwarted economic recovery for seven years. The study, "New Deal Policies and the Persistence of the Great Depression: A General Equilibrium Analysis", appeared in the Journal of Political Economy, 2004, vol. 112, no. 4, p.779-816.

In a news release on the paper Cole is quoted as saying

"President Roosevelt believed that excessive competition was responsible for the Depression by reducing prices and wages, and by extension reducing employment and demand for goods and services," [...] "So he came up with a recovery package that would be unimaginable today, allowing businesses in every industry to collude without the threat of antitrust prosecution and workers to demand salaries about 25 percent above where they ought to have been, given market forces. The economy was poised for a beautiful recovery, but that recovery was stalled by these misguided policies."

Ohanian and Cole use data collected in 1929 by the Conference Board and the Bureau of Labor Statistics. Using this they were able to calculate average prices and wages across a number of industries just prior to the start of the Great Depression. Then they worked out a counter factual of what would have happened if Roosevelt's policies not been put in place. By adjusting for annual increases in productivity, they were able to use the 1929 benchmark to work out what prices and wages would have been during every year of the Depression without Roosevelt's interventions. They then compared those figures with actual prices and wages as reflected in the Conference Board data.

One result they found was that in the three years following the implementation of Roosevelt's policies, wages in 11 key industries averaged 25 percent higher than they otherwise would have done. But unemployment was also 25 percent higher than it should have been, given gains in productivity.

Meanwhile, prices across 19 industries averaged 23 percent above where they should have been, given the state of the economy. With goods and services that much harder for consumers to afford, demand stalled and the gross national product floundered at 27 percent below where it otherwise might have been.

The news release quotes Ohanian as pointing out that

"High wages and high prices in an economic slump run contrary to everything we know about market forces in economic downturns." [...] "As we've seen in the past several years, salaries and prices fall when unemployment is high. By artificially inflating both, the New Deal policies short-circuited the market's self-correcting forces."

An important point noted by Cole and Ohanian is that under the National Industrial Recovery Act (NIRA), industries were exempted from antitrust prosecution if they agreed to enter into collective bargaining agreements that significantly raised wages. Because protection from antitrust prosecution all but ensured higher prices for goods and services, a wide range of industries agreed. In fact by 1934 more than 500 industries, which accounted for nearly 80 percent of private, non-agricultural employment, had entered into the collective bargaining agreements called for under NIRA.

According to Cole and Ohanian the NIRA and its aftermath account for 60 percent of the weak recovery. Without the policies, they contend that the Depression would have ended in 1936 instead of the year when they believe the slump actually ended: 1943.

So we can conclude that the New Deal didn't get the US out of the Great Depression, monetary policy did, and that the New Deal may have extended the depression.

Thus before Pierson calls for a new New Deal, he should understand the old one a little better than he does.

Posted by Paul Walker at 11:19 AM

antidismal.blogspot.com



To: combjelly who wrote (456688)2/15/2009 2:18:28 PM
From: i-node  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 1577025
 
WWII ended it. But recovery was well under way by the time the war started. By 1940 most indices had returned to, or exceeded 1929 levels, except for unemployment.

Like tejek, you quite obviously don't understand the facts.

While the New Deal put people to work, it simply masked the underlying weakness in the economy that continued to be present.

The instant FDR tried to cut these programs, unemployment spiked sharply ('37-'38), and had he not quickly reinstituted federal spending, the depression clearly would have been right back to early-30s levels.

FDR wanted badly to balance the budget and thought he was safe to do so in the late 30s; his budget would have been balanced by '39 but for the fact that after cutting expenses in '36-'37 unemployment returned. So, he did what he had to do.

Ultimately, it was the massive expenditure for war materiel, coupled with putting millions of men to work as a result of conscription, that gave the economy time to recover. It is not even clear that the wartime SPENDING solved the problem; only that by the time returning GIs came home, the problem had receded.

By the time the military industrial complex had started to unwind a bit, the United States owned HALF the wealth in the world. Under the GI Bill, more Americans attended college than ever before. Which is probably what led to us becoming a great power.

All we know for sure about the New Deal, which is intuitively obvious, is that with deficit spending, you can put people to work temporarily and give the economy time to heat up a little. There is zero evidence to suggest that it is the spending, itself, that causes it to heat up. Maybe, maybe not. We just don't know that based on the information available.

It is pretty silly, however, to think this stimulus bill will solve the current economic crisis. This problem is a crisis of consumer confidence, and doling out free paychecks and health insurance to the unemployed is certainly not going to make the unemployed more confident. It is consumption, at the end of which, the situation will be as bad or worse than it is now -- largely because the so-called stimulus bill -- wasn't.

Personally, I know of no evidence that would suggest there is much that can be done about a major economic cycle downturn. You may influence it on the margins. But they aren't created by Herbert Hoovers or GWBs, and they can't be fixed by FDRs or Obamas.

We had depressions starting in 1807, 1837, 1873, 1893, and 1929 -- essentially, every 20-30-40 years -- until now. One can speculate that the economic cycle was disrupted by lots things that happened around the time of FDR -- the New Deal, a strengthened banking system, WWII followed by the GI Bill, etc. But there is no evidence to suggest any of these things has the ability to curtail a depression, stop one in progress, or stop one from beginning. It is just speculation.

Personally, I believe that New Deal programs are responsible for some disruption in the economic cycle because they have effectively slowed the pace at which the economy reacts to various problems. But whether these programs "saved" us a depression in the 70s, or merely set us up for a bigger fall today, I don't know.

Our country is flat broke right now. The TARP program along with this new spending, and the trillions these people will spend in the coming months if not stopped, could well mean the end of our democracy. It is serious.



To: combjelly who wrote (456688)2/15/2009 5:25:55 PM
From: tejek1 Recommendation  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 1577025
 
A good example was Australia and New Zealand. Both countries had a very similar profile, largely agricultural exports driving their economies. New Zealand adopted New Deal like policies during the 1930s, Australia adopted a balanced budget and cutting expenses policies. Guess which country did better?

I am inclined to let him believe the New Deal didn't work. The longer he and his peers believe that, the greater the chance the GOP will go the way of the Dodo bird. The demise of the GOP is needed to allow the development of a new party to take its place.