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Politics : Stockman Scott's Political Debate Porch -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Poet who wrote (79020)3/4/2009 7:33:41 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
<<...Healthcare reform is of critical importance to getting the US back on track, both economically and morally. All our citizens deserve adequate healthcare...>>

I TOTALLY agree with you...and many smart economists, many unions and many corporations want to move towards a responsible nationalized health care system (where EVERY citizen has coverage).



To: Poet who wrote (79020)3/4/2009 9:59:56 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Review Of US Healthcare System Shows Waste, High Costs

redorbit.com



To: Poet who wrote (79020)3/4/2009 1:57:51 PM
From: longnshort  Respond to of 89467
 
that will be the end of worlds' medical advances. god help us with this idiot in the White House.



To: Poet who wrote (79020)3/4/2009 11:45:06 PM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 89467
 
Keith Olbermann's - "Rush Limbaugh Retrospective!"

youtube.com



To: Poet who wrote (79020)3/5/2009 8:17:54 PM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
Obama: Every voice must be heard on health reform
___________________________________________________________

By LIZ SIDOTI
The Associated Press
3/5/2009, 7:58 p.m. ET

WASHINGTON (AP) — President Barack Obama pumped health care allies and skeptics alike for ways to overhaul the nation's costly and frustrating system Thursday and heard only applause and agreement when he told them there's "a clear consensus that the need for health care reform is here and now."

However, he conceded at a White House summit that opinions vary widely on exactly what to do and said that winning quick approval for historic and stunningly expensive legislation won't be easy.

Still, the unanimity on the urgency to act underscored how the political environment has become more favorable to revamping the thorny system since President Bill Clinton's attempt failed in the 1990s under intense resistance from drug makers, insurance companies and others. All those interest groups were on hand Thursday, and Obama intended his daylong Washington session and a series of meetings to follow around the country to signal that his push for universal health care coverage will be more open and inclusive than Clinton's.

"Every voice has to be heard. Every idea must be considered ... The status quo is the one option that is not on the table," Obama said during the White House forum on what he calls the greatest threat to the U.S. economy — rising health care costs. Mindful of the demise of the Clinton plan, Obama warned, "Those who seek to block any reform at all, any reform at any cost, will not prevail this time around."

The U.S. system is the world's costliest; the country spends some $2.4 trillion a year on health care. It leaves an estimated 48 million people uninsured, and many others lack adequate insurance.

Firm in his insistence on action, Obama was relaxed as he fielded questions from lawmakers and the heads of crucial interest groups. At one point he sneezed twice, and then as the audience laughed said, "This is a health care forum, so I thought I'd model what happens when you don't get enough sleep."

In an emotional moment, Sen. Edward Kennedy of Massachusetts addressed the group, his first Washington appearance in weeks as he battles brain cancer. He received a long ovation and declared, "I'm looking forward to being a foot soldier in this undertaking, and this time we will not fail."

Although Obama wants coverage for all, the president suggested a willingness to compromise. That, too, was a break from Clinton's posture in the 1990s when he promised to veto any health care measure that didn't give him what he sought.

This time, Obama said, "Each of us must accept that none of us will get everything we want, and no proposal for reform will be perfect."

Republicans as well as Democrats agreed. Speaker after speaker at the end of a day of smaller White House sessions said action was needed.

Sen. Charles Grassley of Iowa, top Republican on the Senate Finance Committee, said that panel should be working on a version by June. He said the timetable might seem "a little ambitious, but if you aren't ambitious on a major problem like this that the country decides needs to be done, it'll never get done."

Signaling arguments to come, however, he told Obama that there is concern that giving many people the option of a government insurance plan — something Obama has proposed — would reduce competition

Republican Rep. Roy Blunt of Missouri said the same at one session: "That's clearly going to be a big area of contention."

But no one told Obama he or his group would stand in the way of significant action.

Making his case, the president said health care overhaul is both a moral and economic imperative because of the system's huge stress on the nation's financial books. He blamed Washington politics and industry lobbying for past failures, while pledging to put the public's interest ahead of both this time.

Obama is setting a rigorous timeline to enact "comprehensive health care reform" by year's end, though he didn't precisely define what that would entail. His advisers say while he hopes for a bipartisan measure, he won't be deterred by ideological fights or interest group opposition.

Unlike Clinton, Obama isn't offering a specific plan, but rather is outlining general principles to guide the Democratic-controlled Congress as it writes the measure: increased coverage, improved services and better control of costs. The House and Senate will be left to do the heavy lifting.

Although he proposed a plan during the campaign, Obama said that he's open to any solution — from an entirely private system to more government involvement — as long as it meets his general priorities. "I just want to figure out what works," he said.

Still, there is a fault line between Democrats and Republicans over the role of government in the health care system — and that could complicate Obama's push to ensure health care for everyone.

Signaling likely areas of contention ahead, Senate Republican leader Mitch McConnell of Kentucky told Obama in a letter that his party was ready to work with the administration on health care but he also warned that the GOP would bristle at changes that lead to a government-run system and coverage expansions that don't come with curbs on costs.

In office just six weeks, Obama already has made one big move on health care. He proposed a budget that has a $634 billion "down payment" for expanded coverage over a 10-year period. The government will spend trillions on health care over the same period.

In hindsight, both supporters and opponents agree that Clinton made a series of missteps and miscalculations that doomed his plan from the outset.

With first lady Hillary Rodham Clinton leading the charge, the White House wrote the measure with little input from lawmakers or interest groups. Stakeholders on all sides complained they were shut out of the process.

Obama, even before he took office, used his campaign apparatus to encourage people to hold open meetings across the country to discuss the matter. The White House says more than 30,000 people attended more than 3,000 meetings in 50 states and Washington, D.C.

___

Associated Press Writer Erica Werner contributed to this story.



To: Poet who wrote (79020)3/7/2009 5:49:09 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
Why I'm Not Now and Have Never Been the Democrats' Rush Limbaugh

by Michael Moore

Published on Friday, March 6, 2009 by Huffington Post

I have watched with mild amusement this week the self-immolation of the Republican Party as it bows before the altar of Rush Limbaugh, begging for mercy, pleading for forgiveness, breathlessly seeking guidance and wisdom from The Oracle.

President Obama and the Democratic Party have wasted no time in pointing out to the American people this marriage from hell, tying Rush like a rock around the collective Republican neck and hoping for its quick descent to the netherworld of irrelevance.

But some commentators (Richard Wolffe of Newsweek, Chuck Todd of NBC News, etc.) have likened this to "what Republicans tried to do to the Democrats with Michael Moore." Perhaps. But there is one central difference: What I have believed in, and what I have stood for in these past eight years -- an end to the war, establishing universal health care, closing Guantanamo and banning torture, making the rich pay more taxes and aggressively going after the corporate chiefs on Wall Street -- these are all things which the majority of Americans believe in too. That's why in November the majority voted for the guy I voted for. The majority of Americans rejected the ideology of Rush and embraced the same issues I have raised consistently in my movies and books.

How did this happen? Considering how, for the past eight years, the Republican machine thought they could somehow smear and damage the Democrats if they said it was "the party of Michael Moore," it appears that the American public heard them loud and clear and decided that, 'hey, if you say Michael Moore is connected to the Democrats, then the Democrats must be OK!'

During this past election, a Democrat in Michigan, Mark Schauer, was running against the incumbent Republican congressman, Rep. Tim Walberg. Schauer asked me to endorse him and campaign for him, and I did. The Republicans were thrilled. They acted like they had been handed manna from heaven. They filled the airwaves with attack ads showing pictures of me and asking voters, 'is this the guy you want influencing your congressman?' The voters of western Michigan said "YES!" and threw the Republican out of office. The newly elected congressman told me his poll numbers had gone up once the Republicans started running ads likening him to me.

There have been over a half-dozen attack documentaries on me (Michael Moore Hates America, Fahrenhype 9/11, etc.), plus a feature film starring Kelsey Grammer and James Woods that had me being slapped silly for 83 minutes. Several books have been written by the Right in a concerted attempt to denounce me. One book, 100 People Who Are Screwing Up America, had me listed at #1. The author was so sure people would know why, he didn't even bother to write a chapter on me like he did for the other 99. You just get to the end of the book and all it says is "#1" with nothing but a big picture of me that takes up a full page.

What made the Republicans so sure that Americans would recoil upon the mere mention of my name, or by simply showing a photo of my face?

The result of this was one colossal backfire. The more they attacked me, the more the public decided to check out who this "devil" was and what he was saying. And -- oops! -- more than a few people liked what they saw. Overnight I went from having a small, loyal following to having millions go to movie theaters to watch... documentaries? Wow.

Yes, the more the Right went after me, the more people got to hear what I was saying -- and eventually the majority, for some strange reason, ended up agreeing with me -- not Rush Limbaugh -- and elected Barack Obama as president of the United States, a man who promised to end the war, bring about universal health care, close Guantanamo, stop torture, tax the rich, and rein in the abusive masters of Wall Street.

Think about this road I've traveled. At the beginning of the Bush years, I was pretty much an outsider, referred to as being on the "far left." I usually found myself holding viewpoints that differed from the majority of the people in this country. When I spoke out against the war -- before it even started -- I was marginalized by the mainstream media and then booed off the Oscar stage in "liberal Hollywood" for commenting about a "fictitious" president. Seventy percent of the public back then supported the war and approved of the job George W. Bush was doing.

But I stuck to what I believed in, kept churning out my movies, and never looked back. The Right and the White House spokespeople came after me time after time. President Bush 41 called me an "a**" on TV, and I became a favorite punching bag at both the 2004 and the 2008 Republican National Conventions in speeches by John McCain and Joe Lieberman. On the front page of this morning's Washington Post, Mark McKinnon, a top adviser to George W. Bush, revealed -- for the first time -- the Bush White House strategy of singling me out in the hopes of turning the country against me and the Democratic Party. Here's what the Post said:

Mark McKinnon, a top adviser in President George W. Bush's campaigns, acknowledged the value of picking a divisive opponent. "We used a similar strategy by making Michael Moore the face of the Democratic Party," he said of the documentary filmmaker.

In the end it all proved to be a big strategic mistake on their part. Thanks to the Republican attacks on me, average Joes and Janes started to listen to what I had to say. Contrary to Richard Wolffe's assessment that "there were no Democrats as far as I can remember who were saying they stood with Michael Moore," Democrats, in fact, have stood side by side with me during all of this. Here's the Congressional Black Caucus supporting me on Capitol Hill in 2004. Here's Terry McAuliffe, the head of the Democratic National Committee, enthusiastically attending the premiere of "Fahrenheit 9/11" with two dozen senators and members of Congress. Here's a group of Democratic congresspeople endorsing my film Sicko in the chambers of the House Judiciary Committee in 2007. And here's President Jimmy Carter inviting me to sit with him in his box at the Democratic National Convention. Far from making me into a pariah, the Republicans helped the Democratic leadership realize that to identify themselves publicly with me meant reaching the millions who followed and supported my work.

Though John Kerry lost in 2004, my focus that year had been to get young voters registered and out to vote (I visited over 60 campuses). And so, just a few short months after the release of Fahrenheit 9/11, America's young voters became the only age group that John Kerry won. They set a new record for the largest 18 to 24-year-old turnout since 1972, when 18-year-olds were given the right to vote, thus sending a signal about what would happen four years later with the youth revolution that ignited Obama's campaign.

After Fahrenheit, I kept speaking out, the Republican machine kept attacking me, and two years later, in 2006, the American public sided with me -- not Rush Limbaugh -- and voted in the Democrats to take over both houses of Congress.

And then, finally, two years after that, we won the White House.

That's the difference -- The American people agree with me, not Rush.

The American public believes that health care is a right and not a commodity.

They want tougher environmental laws and believe that global warming is real, not a myth.

They believe that the rich should be taxed more.

They want to go after the crooks on Wall Street who got us into this mess and the politicians who enabled them.

They want more money invested in education, science, technology and infrastructure -- not in more tax cuts for the wealthiest Americans.

They believe that, whether Democrats or Republicans have been in power, wealthy corporations have been calling the shots for the past few decades and the American people's voices have not been heard as their country has slowly been driven into the ground. Our politicians and our media have been bought and paid for by the highest bidders and we don't trust them anymore.

Finally -- they want us to get the hell out of Iraq and to investigate the criminals who sent us there for fictitious reasons.

Obama and the Democrats going after Rush is a good thing and will not do for him what the Republican attack plan did for me -- namely, the majority of Americans will never be sympathetic to him because they simply don't agree with him.

The days of using my name as a pejorative are now over. The right wing turned me into an accidental spokesperson for the liberal, majority agenda. Thank you, Republican Party. You helped us elect one of the most liberal senators to the presidency of the United States. We couldn't have done it without you.

*Michael Moore is an activist, author, and filmmaker. See more of his work at his website MichaelMoore.com