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Politics : Right Wing Extremist Thread -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: longnshort who wrote (57198)8/7/2009 5:29:13 PM
From: koan  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 59480
 
PAUL KRUGMAN

Published: August 6, 2009

There's a famous Norman Rockwell painting titled "Freedom of Speech," depicting an idealized American town meeting. The painting, part of a series illustrating F.D.R.'s "Four Freedoms," shows an ordinary citizen expressing an unpopular opinion. His neighbors obviously don't like what he's saying, but they're letting him speak his mind.

That's a far cry from what has been happening at recent town halls, where angry
protesters - some of them, with no apparent sense of irony, shouting "This is
America!" - have been drowning out, and in some cases threatening, members of
Congress trying to talk about health reform.

Some commentators have tried to play down the mob aspect of these scenes, likening
the campaign against health reform to the campaign against Social Security
privatization back in 2005. But there's no comparison. I've gone through many news
reports from 2005, and while anti-privatization activists were sometimes raucous
and rude, I can't find any examples of congressmen shouted down, congressmen hanged
in effigy, congressmen surrounded and followed by taunting crowds.

And I can't find any counterpart to the death threats at least one congressman has
received.

So this is something new and ugly. What's behind it?

Robert Gibbs, the White House press secretary, has compared the scenes at health
care town halls to the "Brooks Brothers riot" in 2000 - the demonstration that
disrupted the vote count in Miami and arguably helped send George W. Bush to the
White House. Portrayed at the time as local protesters, many of the rioters were
actually G.O.P. staffers flown in from Washington.

But Mr. Gibbs is probably only half right. Yes, well-heeled interest groups are
helping to organize the town hall mobs. Key organizers include two Astroturf (fake
grass-roots) organizations: FreedomWorks, run by the former House majority leader
Dick Armey, and a new organization called Conservatives for Patients' Rights.

The latter group, by the way, is run by Rick Scott, the former head of
Columbia/HCA, a for-profit hospital chain. Mr. Scott was forced out of that job
amid a fraud investigation; the company eventually pleaded guilty to charges of
overbilling state and federal health plans, paying $1.7 billion - yes, that's
"billion" - in fines. You can't make this stuff up.

But while the organizers are as crass as they come, I haven't seen any evidence
that the people disrupting those town halls are Florida-style rent-a-mobs. For the
most part, the protesters appear to be genuinely angry. The question is, what are
they angry about?

There was a telling incident at a town hall held by Representative Gene Green,
D-Tex. An activist turned to his fellow attendees and asked if they "oppose any
form of socialized or government-run health care." Nearly all did. Then
Representative Green asked how many of those present were on Medicare. Almost half
raised their hands.

Now, people who don't know that Medicare is a government program probably aren't
reacting to what President Obama is actually proposing. They may believe some of
the disinformation opponents of health care reform are spreading, like the claim
that the Obama plan will lead to euthanasia for the elderly. (That particular claim
is coming straight from House Republican leaders.) But they're probably reacting
less to what Mr. Obama is doing, or even to what they've heard about what he's
doing, than to who he is.

That is, the driving force behind the town hall mobs is probably the same cultural
and racial anxiety that's behind the "birther" movement, which denies Mr. Obama's
citizenship. Senator Dick Durbin has suggested that the birthers and the health
care protesters are one and the same; we don't know how many of the protesters are
birthers, but it wouldn't be surprising if it's a substantial fraction.

And cynical political operators are exploiting that anxiety to further the economic
interests of their backers.

Does this sound familiar? It should: it's a strategy that has played a central role
in American politics ever since Richard Nixon realized that he could advance
Republican fortunes by appealing to the racial fears of working-class whites.

Many people hoped that last year's election would mark the end of the "angry white
voter" era in America. Indeed, voters who can be swayed by appeals to cultural and
racial fear are a declining share of the electorate.

But right now Mr. Obama's backers seem to lack all conviction, perhaps because the
prosaic reality of his administration isn't living up to their dreams of
transformation. Meanwhile, the angry right is filled with a passionate intensity.

And if Mr. Obama can't recapture some of the passion of 2008, can't inspire his
supporters to stand up and be heard, health care reform may well fail.