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Politics : Formerly About Advanced Micro Devices -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: bentway who wrote (529460)11/16/2009 12:24:48 PM
From: jlallen4 Recommendations  Respond to of 1573994
 
Obama is a complete idiot.....


Trial and Terror
The Left gets its reckoning.

By Andrew C. McCarthy

The decision to bring Khalid Sheikh Mohammed and four other top al-Qaeda terrorists to New York City for a civilian trial is one of the most irresponsible ever made by a presidential administration. That it is motivated by politics could not be more obvious. That it spells unprecedented danger for our security will soon become obvious.

The five 9/11 plotters were originally charged in a military commission. Military commissions have been approved by Congress and the courts. Eleven months ago, the jihadists were prepared to end the military case by pleading guilty and proceeding to execution. Plus, the Obama administration is continuing the commission system for other enemy combatants accused of war crimes. If we are going to have military commissions for any war criminals, it is senseless not to have them for the worst war criminals. In sum, there is no good legal or policy rationale for transferring these barbarians to the civilian justice system. Doing so will prompt a hugely costly three-ring circus of a trial, provide a soapbox for al-Qaeda's anti-American bile, and create a public-safety nightmare for New York City.

There is, however, a patent political rationale behind Obama's decision.

The terrorists are clearly committed members of the al-Qaeda conspiracy to wage a terrorist war against the United States — so much so that KSM cannot help himself, bragging about his atrocities against our country, including the 9/11 massacre of nearly 3,000 Americans. Further, controversy surrounds the intelligence-collection measures used by the Bush administration after 9/11 — measures such as enhanced interrogation that, though they saved countless lives, have been stridently condemned by the antiwar Left. This antiwar Left, President Obama's base, has demanded investigations and prosecutions against Bush officials.

The Obama Justice Department teems with experienced defense lawyers, many of whom (themselves personally or through their firms) spent the last eight years volunteering their services to America's enemies in their lawsuits against the American people. As experienced defense lawyers well know, when there is no mystery about whether the defendants have committed the charged offenses, and when there is controversy attendant to the government's investigative tactics, the standard defense strategy is to put the government on trial.

That is, Pres. Barack Obama and Attorney General Eric Holder, experienced litigators, fully realize that in civilian court, the Qaeda quintet can and will demand discovery of mountains of government intelligence. They will demand disclosures about investigative tactics; the methods and sources by which intelligence has been obtained; the witnesses from the intelligence community, the military, and law enforcement who interrogated witnesses, conducted searches, secretly intercepted enemy communications, and employed other investigative techniques. They will attempt to compel testimony from officials who formulated U.S. counterterrorism strategy, in addition to U.S. and foreign intelligence officers. As civilian "defendants," these war criminals will put Bush-era counterterrorism tactics under the brightest public spotlight in American legal history.

This is exactly what President Obama and Attorney General Eric Holder know will happen. And because it is unnecessary to have this civilian trial at all, one must conclude that this is exactly what Obama and Holder want to see happen.

During the 2008 campaign, candidate Obama and his adviser, Holder, rebuked the Bush counterterrorism policies and promised their base a "reckoning." Since President Obama took office, Attorney General Holder has anxiously shoveled into the public domain classified information relating to those policies — with the administration always at pains to claim that its hand is being forced by court orders, even though the president has had legal grounds, which he has refrained from invoking, to decline to make those disclosures. Moreover, during a trip to Germany in April, Holder signaled his openness to turning over evidence that would assist European investigations — including one underway in Spain — that seek to charge Bush-administration officials with war crimes (which is the transnational Left's label for actions taken in defense of the United States).

Now, we see the reckoning: Obama's gratuitous transfer of alien war criminals from a military court, where they were on the verge of ending the proceedings, to the civilian justice system, where they will be given the same rights and privileges as the American citizens they are pledged to kill. This will give the hard Left its promised feast. Its shock troops, such as the Center for Constitutional Rights, will gather up each new disclosure and add it to the purported war-crimes case they are urging foreign courts to bring against President Bush, his subordinates, and U.S. intelligence agents.

From indictment to trial, the civilian case against the 9/11 terrorists will be a years-long seminar, enabling al-Qaeda and its jihadist allies to learn much of what we know and, more important, the methods and sources by which we come to know it. But that is not the half of it. By moving the case to civilian court, the president and his attorney general have laid the groundwork for an unprecedented surrender of our national-defense secrets directly to our most committed enemies.

The five jihadists in question are alien enemy combatants currently detained outside the United States. They are not Americans and are not entitled to the protection of our Bill of Rights. That means that in a military-commission trial, they would be given only those rights Congress chose to give them.

At Gitmo, they've insisted on representing themselves. In a military commission, we can allow them to do that, but we don't have to. The commission rules provide for the appointment of military counsel and permit the combatants to retain their own lawyers. This is significant because discovery rules require that the defense be given mounds of information for trial preparation. Much of that information is top-secret intelligence. Importantly, however, we do not have to show the terrorists themselves any classified information. Only counsel who have the required security clearances, and are duty-bound not to reveal the nation's secrets to the nation's enemies, get access.

The rules are saliently different in the civilian justice system, where, the attorney general has promised, this case will be treated like any other criminal case. In federal court, defendants — even illegal aliens — are vested with constitutional rights that Congress may not alter or reduce. One of those is the right to represent oneself, meaning: to conduct one's own defense without the participation or interference of an attorney.

In 1975, the Supreme Court ruled in Faretta v. California that this right to self-representation is absolute. As Justice Potter Stewart put it, "forcing a lawyer upon an unwilling defendant is contrary to his basic right to defend himself if he truly wants to do so." To borrow Holder's pet phrase, we are supposedly bringing terrorists into civilian court to honor "the rule of law." Well, our rule of law holds that a defendant may tell the judge that he does not want a lawyer, that he wants to conduct his own defense, and that he wants to see all of the legally required discovery himself — not have a lawyer or some other government operative restrict his access.

The judge may try to talk the defendant out of his decision to be his own lawyer. The judge may appoint "stand-by counsel" to advise the defendant and to be available to represent the defendant if he changes his mind. Under Faretta, however, the judge may not deny the defendant the right to conduct his own defense.

By transferring this case to civilian court rather than leaving it to be handled by the military-commission system created by Congress, Obama and Holder have needlessly created a perilous dilemma. Do we deny KSM & Co. the right to represent themselves and thus risk reversal of any convictions on Sixth Amendment grounds? Do we grant them self-representation but withhold critical discovery and thus risk reversal on due process grounds? Or do we grant them self-representation and disclose directly to our wartime enemies the nation's security secrets, which they can then pass on to confederates who are actively targeting us for mass-murder attacks?

In the military court, there would be no such dilemma. Indeed, in the military court, this case would be over now. If President Obama had simply let it proceed, there would have been no trial, and these war criminals would be well on their way to the execution of death sentences.

But then the Left would not have gotten its reckoning. Can't have that.

— National Review's Andrew C. McCarthy is a senior fellow at the National Review Institute and the author of Willful Blindness: A Memoir of the Jihad (Encounter Books, 2008).

article.nationalreview.com



To: bentway who wrote (529460)11/16/2009 12:27:16 PM
From: i-node  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 1573994
 
Oh, how about Bush deciding he was going to round-file the Geneva Convention on the treatment of prisoners in 2002?

I understand you believe that, but president Bush's legal council disagreed.



To: bentway who wrote (529460)11/16/2009 1:16:47 PM
From: tejek  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 1573994
 
Utah becomes a battleground in the GOP's civil war

Sen. Robert Bennett is under fire from those in the party who find him insufficiently conservative. His battle may be a reflection of an anti-establishment anger that could affect both parties.

By Mark Z. Barabak

November 14, 2009

Reporting from Salt Lake City - Utah has emerged as an improbable battleground in the fight for the future of the GOP, as the party's veteran U.S. senator -- with nary a whiff of personal or political scandal -- has become one of the most threatened lawmakers up for reelection next year.

Robert F. Bennett is no Northeast liberal. Raised in Salt Lake City, he built a business, manufacturing day-planners, that made him wealthy. His grandfather was a president of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. His father served four Senate terms -- meaning that, combined with Bennett's own three terms, father and son have held the seat for the better part of 60 years.

Yet those very attributes -- longevity, seniority -- only compound the challenge facing Bennett, who, like other Republicans across the country, faces attack within the party from those who find him insufficiently conservative.

As last week's elections showed, the 2010 campaign is shaping up as another driven by a deep, throbbing anger against the political establishment. President Obama has been a prime target at rowdy town hall meetings and "tea party" protests, and Democrats certainly have much to fear, as they hold the majority in Congress. But the free-floating hostility may pose a danger to members of both parties.

"This is not a Democrat problem. It's not a Republican problem. It's an incumbent problem," said Cherilyn Eagar, one of three Republicans, so far, taking on Bennett. "It's on both sides of the aisle."

A national poll issued this week reflected that sentiment. Only about half of the registered voters interviewed, 52%, said they would like to see their representative reelected next year, among the most negative findings in two decades of Pew Research surveys.

Eagar and others, boosted by the conservative Club for Growth, cite Bennett's extended time in Washington and criticize his willingness to work with Democrats on issues such as healthcare reform and the Wall Street rescue approved amid last year's financial crisis.

"People are fed up with the way Washington has historically conducted its business: horse-trading and giving this to get that," said Tim Bridgewater, another Republican running for Bennett's seat.

The insurgency is not limited to Utah. In several states, Senate hopefuls on the right have taken on comparative moderates preferred by GOP insiders, who consider them more electable.

In California, former Hewlett-Packard executive Carly Fiorina -- seeking to be the Republican nominee against Democratic Sen. Barbara Boxer next year -- faces Assemblyman Chuck DeVore of Irvine, who is rallying support from conservatives nationwide. In Florida, Gov. Charlie Crist is fighting a stiff primary challenge from former state House Speaker Marco Rubio.

"One side feels the Republican Party has lost its way and sacrificed its basic principles," said Jennifer Duffy, who tracks Senate races for the nonpartisan Cook Political Report. "The other thinks the party has moved too far right and become inflexible and intolerant."

That worries some Republicans in Utah, which has not elected a Democratic governor in nearly 30 years or a Democratic senator in nearly 40. Last week, a traditionally GOP House seat in upstate New York went Democratic, thanks largely to party infighting driven by nationally prominent conservatives.

U.S. Rep. Jim Matheson, a popular Democrat who represents parts of Salt Lake City, its suburbs and a good chunk of rural Utah, has ruled out a Senate bid, to the relief of GOP insiders. "But if it looks like Republicans are totally killing themselves and he can walk into the seat, I believe he'll switch and put the race in play," said Dave Hansen, Utah's GOP chairman.

For now the focus is on Bennett. He has already spent more than $500,000 -- exceeding what some entire Utah congressional races cost -- and aired his first TV ads. Bennett did not run a single spot in 2004, when he easily won reelection.

Critics have taken to the air as well. The Club for Growth, which funneled about $1 million into the New York race, has aired spots criticizing Bennett's sponsorship of bipartisan healthcare legislation, even though it has gone nowhere. "We see this bill as pretty much a massive government takeover," said David Keating, the group's executive director.

Bennett rejects that assertion -- his bill would create a private insurance system of state-based purchasing pools -- and independent fact-checkers back him up. Still, Keating's group has launched a letter-writing campaign targeting grass-roots activists, who hold considerable sway under Utah's unusual nominating system.

Republicans will vote for their nominee at a May convention. If a candidate fails to garner 60% support, the two top finishers will advance to a statewide June runoff. Utah Republicans are generally very conservative; convention delegates are likely to be more conservative still.

Bennett's opponents, like the senator, abhor taxes, big government and excessive regulation -- but they go much further, denouncing Obama's policies as a socialist threat to the country. Bennett dismissed socialism as an inflammatory "buzzword" that distracts from the more serious problem of structural deficits.

He defends his support for the Wall Street rescue -- "I still believe it was the right vote" -- recalling how one senator likened the urgent atmosphere to a James Bond movie: "the world coming to an end if we don't act in the next 24 hours."

The senator's opponents call the bailout a costly government overreach. Bridgewater, a two-time congressional candidate, said he would have rejected the rescue effort, regardless of a possible economic collapse. "Capitalism isn't always rosy," he said. "Down cycles have to be allowed in order for the inefficiencies to be worked out."

Since his vote last fall, Bennett has opposed virtually the entire Obama agenda, including the economic stimulus plan, the auto industry bailout and the second half of the $700-billion rescue fund, which required follow-up approval.

Still, those moves don't address two of Bennett's biggest problems: his professorial manner -- which some find off-putting -- and the fact he is seeking a fourth term after promising to serve just two.

"He's out of touch," said Rob DeCol, a high school athletic director in Vernal, a small town in rural northeast Utah, who twice voted for Bennett. "We need someone fresh."

Bennett responded that voters always have issues with incumbents. But a Senate race is not simply a referendum, he noted.

Rather, it is a choice among candidates, none of whom will please all: "There's not a place on the ballot to mark, 'I hate what's going on in Washington.' "

mark.barabak@latimes.com

Copyright © 2009, The Los Angeles Times

latimes.com