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Politics : American Presidential Politics and foreign affairs -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: sandintoes who wrote (39047)11/27/2009 1:25:45 PM
From: Peter Dierks  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 71588
 
That shows who they are afraid of, doesn't it?

It must very frustrating for slave holders when the chattel become uppity. Sarah is way to popular for the liberal lamestream media's taste. Thus they have to come down on her in the most harsh treatment they can mete out to scare the rest of the chattel into submission.



To: sandintoes who wrote (39047)12/1/2009 9:15:26 AM
From: Peter Dierks1 Recommendation  Respond to of 71588
 
The Real Reason Liberals Hate Us

Posted By Frank J. Fleming On December 1, 2009 @ 12:00 am In . Column2 02, Humor & Fun, Politics, US News | No Comments

Liberals hate us conservatives. They denigrate us, have paranoid fears about violence from us, and try to marginalize and silence us in any way possible. Some would say this is simply partisanship and that their fear of us is based merely on their desire to retain political power, but it is so much deeper than that.

Were liberals to flee to France as they always threaten when elections don’t turn out their way, they would still fixate on us and gnash their teeth and stomp their feet in anger at our every action. And were we conservatives to leave this planet and set up our own colony on Mars, not interfering with liberal machinations whatsoever, they would still stare up at us in the night sky (though some would actually be looking at the star Arcturus, because they’re not all versed in astronomy) and scream incoherent gibberish similar to what they say when we stand in front of them. That’s because it’s not because of how we inhibit them politically that liberals hate us; they hate us for our freedom.

We can see this in the current health care debate. Liberals argue they want to give everybody free health care — completely free! — and think this should be a simple argument to get people to hand over control to them and the government. They can almost feel that sweet, sweet government control in their grubby little hands, and it’s inconceivable to them that anyone would be against their generosity. But then the conservatives come and muddy the waters by bringing up the liberty issue. And the liberals react to it like a vampire to a cross (not that liberals react nicely to crosses either).

“No! Not liberty!” they screech. “Liberty means you die in the street without health care! Curse liberty! Those who want liberty are evil hatemongers! Nasty, nasty liberty! It burns!”

It’s such an affront to them for people to choose freedom over the gifts they bear. They don’t understand why we can’t be grateful to them for offering us free health care instead of focusing on how 1) what they offer is crappy and we don’t want it and 2) they forcefully take our money to pay for it. Plus, it’s such a personal insult to liberals that we would choose deciding for ourselves over their magnanimous offer to have their wisdom decide things for us. It’s almost like we don’t think they’re all geniuses — and we really don’t, because liberals are pretty much all useless idiots who can’t run their own lives, much less tell someone else how to run his.

But it’s not just the ingratitude for their faux-benevolence that causes their anger and hatred. Hatred comes from fear, and liberals fear whatever they can’t control. They fear not only the medical industry, but any industry out of government’s grasp. They just think of all those millions of jobs and products being made without their government in complete control of them and worry about what could happen without their guiding wisdom.

And you can try and reason with liberals, gently telling them, “You’re a complete and utter moron. Everything works a million times better without your idiotic meddling,” but this does very little to assuage their fears. They just think to themselves, “If only I could control everything through the government, we’d all be safe and secure.” And then liberals see the one thing between them and their goal — conservatives — and they lash out like a Chihuahua at shoelaces.

And it’s not just that we conservatives stand between them and government control. We also stir up fear and hatred in them by actually practicing liberty ourselves. For instance, liberals would almost — almost — be okay with us just thinking to ourselves that liberty is better than government control, but then we have the audacity to say it out loud. Liberals freak out at this, because they worry about such ideas spreading and more people wanting horrible, horrible freedom. So you can see how these ideas spreading to talk radio completely terrorizes liberals. No wonder they lash out and try to stop that with the Fairness Doctrine. But even worse, their monopoly on TV news ended with the emergence of Fox News. Now every moment of every day, they fear that more people are being influenced into accepting horrifying freedom, and all they can think about is some new feeble scheme to try and stop it.

Of course, speech isn’t the only scary freedom conservatives employ. We also like owning and even carrying guns. That’s unspeakably scary to a liberal. An individual — not under the direct control of their government — having such power? That’s the sort of liberty that makes them lose bladder control. They’re used to criminals having guns — that’s just what criminals do — but the thought of an honest citizen being armed is incomprehensible to them. And people lash out with fear and hate against what they don’t understand. As do liberals.

So that’s why liberals hate us — because we like freedom. Our rugged individualism is always going to be a direct threat to their sissy collectivism, and for that they shall continue to hate us and lash out at us. Being so useless themselves, they just don’t understand our wanting to take care of ourselves, and thus we see their screeching and general derangement.

So can conservatives and liberals learn to live together? No, not really, but it’s not like we can get rid of them. I mean, we could try putting out some PSA saying that playing in traffic reduces your carbon footprint, but I don’t think all of them would fall for it. But it’s good to note that the more we speak about freedom, the more scared liberals get. So if we all preach liberty enough, maybe they’ll all go away.

URL to article: pajamasmedia.com

Again h't to lindybill
From: Brumar89



To: sandintoes who wrote (39047)12/8/2009 9:08:22 AM
From: Peter Dierks  Respond to of 71588
 
Journalism and Freedom
Government assistance is a greater threat to the press than any new technology.
DECEMBER 8, 2009, 3:47 A.M. ET.

By RUPERT MURDOCH
We are at a time when many news enterprises are shutting down or scaling back. No doubt you will hear some tell you that journalism is in dire shape, and the triumph of digital is to blame.

My message is just the opposite. The future of journalism is more promising than ever—limited only by editors and producers unwilling to fight for their readers and viewers, or government using its heavy hand either to overregulate or subsidize us.

From the beginning, newspapers have prospered for one reason: the trust that comes from representing their readers' interests and giving them the news that's important to them. That means covering the communities where they live, exposing government or business corruption, and standing up to the rich and powerful.

Technology now allows us to do this on a much greater scale. That means we have the means to reach billions of people who until now have had no honest or independent sources of the information they need to rise in society, hold their governments accountable, and pursue their needs and dreams.

Does this mean we are all going to succeed? Of course not. Some newspapers and news organizations will not adapt to the digital realities of our day—and they will fail. We should not blame technology for these failures. The future of journalism belongs to the bold, and the companies that prosper will be those that find new and better ways to meet the needs of their viewers, listeners, and readers.

First, media companies need to give people the news they want. I can't tell you how many papers I have visited where they have a wall of journalism prizes—and a rapidly declining circulation. This tells me the editors are producing news for themselves—instead of news that is relevant to their customers. A news organization's most important asset is the trust it has with its readers, a bond that reflects the readers' confidence that editors are looking out for their needs and interests.

At News Corp., we have been working for two years on a project that would use a portion of our broadcast spectrum to bring our TV offerings—and maybe even our newspaper content—to mobile devices. Today's news consumers do not want to be chained to a box in their homes or offices to get their favorite news and entertainment—and our plan includes the needs of the next wave of TV viewing by going mobile.

The same is true with newspapers. More and more, our readers are using different technologies to access our papers during different parts of the day. For example, they might read some of their Wall Street Journal on their BlackBerries while commuting into the office, read it on the computer when they arrive, and read it on a larger and clearer e-reader wherever they may be.

My second point follows from my first: Quality content is not free. In the future, good journalism will depend on the ability of a news organization to attract customers by providing news and information they are willing to pay for.

The old business model based mainly on advertising is dead. Let's face it: A business model that relies primarily on online advertising cannot sustain newspapers over the long term. The reason is simple arithmetic. Though online advertising is increasing, that increase is only a fraction of what is being lost with print advertising.

That's not going to change, even in a boom. The reason is that the old model was founded on quasimonopolies such as classified advertising, which has been decimated by new and cheaper competitors such as Craigslist, Monster.com, and so on.

In the new business model, we will be charging consumers for the news we provide on our Internet sites. The critics say people won't pay. I believe they will, but only if we give them something of good and useful value. Our customers are smart enough to know that you don't get something for nothing.

That goes for some of our friends online too. And yet there are those who think they have a right to take our news content and use it for their own purposes without contributing a penny to its production. Some rewrite, at times without attribution, the news stories of expensive and distinguished journalists who invested days, weeks or even months in their stories—all under the tattered veil of "fair use."

These people are not investing in journalism. They are feeding off the hard-earned efforts and investments of others. And their almost wholesale misappropriation of our stories is not "fair use." To be impolite, it's theft.

Right now content creators bear all the costs, while aggregators enjoy many of the benefits. In the long term, this is untenable. We are open to different pay models. But the principle is clear: To paraphrase a famous economist, there's no such thing as a free news story, and we are going to ensure that we get a fair but modest price for the value we provide.

Finally, a few words about government. In the last two or three decades, we have seen the emergence of new platforms and opportunities that no one could have predicted—from social networking sites and iPhones and BlackBerries, to Internet sites for newspapers, radio and television. And we are only at the beginning.

The government has a role here. Unfortunately, too many of the mechanisms government uses to regulate the news and information business in this new century are based on 20th-century assumptions and business models. If we are really concerned about the survival of newspapers and other journalistic enterprises, the best thing government can do is to get rid of the arbitrary and contradictory regulations that actually prevent people from investing in these businesses.

One example of outdated thinking is the FCC's cross-ownership rule that prevents people from owning, say, a television station and a newspaper in the same market. Many of these rules were written when competition was limited because of the huge up-front costs. If you are a newspaper today, your competition is not necessarily the TV station in the same city. It can be a Web site on the other side of the world, or even an icon on someone's cell phone.

These developments mean increased competition, and that is good for consumers. But just as businesses are adapting to new realities, the government needs to adapt too. In this new and more globally competitive news world, restricting cross-ownership between television and newspapers makes as little sense as would banning newspapers from having Web sites.

In my view, the growing drumbeat for government assistance for newspapers is as alarming as overregulation. One idea gaining in popularity is providing taxpayer funds for journalists. Or giving newspapers "nonprofit" status—in exchange, of course, for papers giving up their right to endorse political candidates. The most damning problem with government "help" is what we saw with the bailout of the U.S. auto industry: Help props up those who are producing things that customers do not want.

The prospect of the U.S. government becoming directly involved in commercial journalism ought to be chilling for anyone who cares about freedom of speech. The Founding Fathers knew that the key to independence was to allow enterprises to prosper and serve as a counterweight to government power. It is precisely because newspapers make profits and do not depend on the government for their livelihood that they have the resources and wherewithal to hold the government accountable.

When the representatives of 13 former British colonies established a new order for the ages, they built it on a sturdy foundation: a free and informed citizenry. They understood that an informed citizenry requires news that is independent from government. That is one reason they put the First Amendment first.

Our modern world is faster moving and far more complex than theirs. But the basic truth remains: To make informed decisions, free men and women require honest and reliable news about events affecting their countries and their lives. Whether the newspaper of the future is delivered with electrons or dead trees is ultimately not that important. What is most important is that the news industry remains free, independent—and competitive.

Mr. Murdoch is chairman and CEO of News Corp. This is adapted from his Dec. 1 remarks before the Federal Trade Commission's workshop on journalism and the Internet.

online.wsj.com