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Politics : American Presidential Politics and foreign affairs -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: sandintoes who wrote (40066)12/29/2009 11:20:03 PM
From: Peter Dierks  Respond to of 71588
 
You have executive experience. You have been a business owner. Before that you were self employed. As such showing up for work was not sufficient.

Your skill set is far superior to BO.



To: sandintoes who wrote (40066)1/3/2010 3:42:05 PM
From: Peter Dierks  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 71588
 
Heat Rises on Nebraska's Nelson
Senator Launches Ad Campaign at Home to Defend Key Vote on Health Bill
JANUARY 2, 2010.

By SUSAN DAVIS
Facing an outcry at home in Nebraska for casting the critical vote in favor of a health-care overhaul, Sen. Ben Nelson has launched a new ad campaign to defend his position.

"I'm convinced this is right for Nebraska," says Sen. Nelson in the ad, which aired during the University of Nebraska's Holiday Bowl game Wednesday night and statewide Thursday. He says he took a "common-sense approach to improve the bill."

Mr. Nelson, who faces re-election in 2012, backed the Senate health-care bill only after lengthy talks in which he won agreement that the federal government would permanently cover the full cost in Nebraska of expanding Medicaid, the federal-state health program for the poor.

He also claims to have pushed for more stringent language on abortion, but ended up with less restrictive language than the House version of the bill. The Senate version allows women to buy plans covering an abortion if they get a tax credit to buy insurance, but they must use their own money for coverage and write a separate check.

Mr. Nelson's support was crucial for helping Democrats secure 60 votes for the bill, preventing a filibuster.

Almost immediately, Mr. Nelson drew fire. Republicans have derided the bill as the "Nebraska Windfall." Sen. Lindsey Graham (R., S.C.) called it "sleazy." Even the state's governor, Republican Dave Heineman, has been critical of the deal.

In Nebraska, a Dec. 28 Rasmussen poll showed Mr. Heineman, who opposes the health-care bill, trouncing Mr. Nelson in a theoretical 2012 match-up, 61% to 30%. Mr. Nelson, who is 68 years old, was last re-elected in 2006 with 64% of the vote.

The reaction underscores possible political peril for Democrats as the battle over the health-care bill, which both parties now expect will pass, morphs into a battle of perceptions. A Wall Street Journal/NBC News poll in December found that by a slight margin, 44% to 41%, Americans prefer the health system as it is to the Democrats' health overhaul.

Democrats attribute that to negative publicity about relatively small parts of the bill, including the Nebraska Medicaid deal. They hope to redirect attention to the bill's main planks, such as the expansion of coverage to tens of millions of Americans and illegal immigrants in half a dozen years and restrictions on insurance-company practices. Mr. Nelson's television ad claims that the bill would bar insurers from denying coverage over pre-existing conditions.

Republicans say the Nebraska provision is typical of what they describe as a bill stuffed with taxes, regulations and special-interest giveaways. They say Americans already understand what's in the bill and don't like it.

In Mr. Nelson's home state, the Medicaid deal already has produced a tit-for-tat between him and Gov. Heineman. Mr. Nelson said he asked for the item only because the governor was worried about how the health bill's Medicaid expansion would affect the state's budget. "Sen. Nelson's view is all states should get the same deal," said Jake Thompson, a spokesman for Mr. Nelson. "If the governor doesn't want it, if he asks, Sen. Nelson will ask to have it taken out."

But a spokeswoman for Mr. Heineman, Jen Rae Hein, said the governor has in fact asked. She cited a Dec. 21 letter by the governor to Mr. Nelson saying "all special deals must be removed" from the health bill. "That includes the Nebraska provision," she said.

"That's a statement, not a request," Mr. Thompson countered.

Mr. Thompson said the senator hasn't decided if he will seek re-election in 2012, but noted the senator has been actively raising funds. Ms. Hein said the governor is focused on his own 2010 re-election, but didn't rule out a 2012 Senate bid.

Meanwhile, South Carolina Attorney General Henry McMaster, a Republican, is spearheading an effort by 13 state attorneys general to challenge the legality of the Nebraska Medicaid provision, at the request of Mr. Graham and Sen. Jim DeMint (R., S.C.).

The attorneys general sent a letter to Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, of Nevada, and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, of California, on Wednesday asking them to remove the Nebraska provision and warning of potential legal action if they do not. They cited a 1937 Supreme Court decision suggesting that Congress may not make a "display of arbitrary power" when it spends money.

Of the 13 Republican signers of the letter, four are running for governor in 2010, including Mr. McMaster. Mr. Thompson, the Nelson spokesman, called the legal challenge a "partisan effort."

House and Senate lawmakers could dump the Nebraska deal when they meet over the next few weeks to merge their health bills, but senior Democrats haven't raised that idea.

—Douglas Belkin and Janet Adamy contributed to this article.
Write to Susan Davis at susan.davis@wsj.com

online.wsj.com



To: sandintoes who wrote (40066)1/14/2010 7:11:57 PM
From: Peter Dierks  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 71588
 
Repeal Obamacare for 2010 win
By: Chris Chocola
January 14, 2010 05:10 AM EST

The fight over the federal health care takeover is not going to end with a Rose Garden signing ceremony. Oh, Nancy Pelosi and Harry Reid may succeed in buying (with your money) enough votes to pass their 2,000-page, $2 trillion entitlement behemoth. And the conventional wisdom in Washington and the mainstream media may say the Democrats won.

But they will not have.

Obamacare’s final passage by Congress is not a fait accompli, but — if and when it happens — the moment will be anticlimactic. Most of the final bill’s major provisions will not take effect until 2013. And between now and then, there will be a midterm and a general election that will be largely defined by the scandalous process, policies and price tag of the health care takeover.

The 2010 and 2012 elections, then — and not this month’s bribe-a-thon on Capitol Hill — will determine the impact and legacy of the Democrats’ health care gambit.

And Republicans should insist on it.

If and when Obamacare becomes law, repealing it will immediately become the most important conservative economic policy goal since the Reagan tax cuts. The tax increases, individual mandate, premium hikes, new government agencies and powers and the stealth scaffolding for a single-payer system tucked into the House and Senate bills represent an existential threat to American prosperity.

Congressional Republicans deserve credit for shaking off their 2006-08 doldrums and producing an array of market-based, competitive reform alternatives (Utah Sen. Robert Bennett’s monstrosity notwithstanding). Interstate competition, tort reform and tax equity for individual insurance consumers could form the basis of a 21st-century health care system and of a new reform-minded Republican majority.

But that majority will never materialize until the GOP wins back the public confidence it deservedly lost during the past decade. The Republican National Committee’s highly publicized fundraising troubles square with what political observers — and conservatives especially — have concluded: The public has rejected Obama liberalism but is not at all eager for a return of Bush-era Republicanism. If the dominant political mood can be summarized today, it is a nonpartisan rejection of Washington’s bipartisan addiction to Big Government.

Democrats are pursuing their health care overhaul in the cynical confidence that whatever they pass, however controversial, will eventually be accepted as part of the political landscape. There may be short-term political costs to Obamacare, they figure, but eventually Republicans will have to make peace with socialized medicine, much as the Tories have in Britain. They know that socialized medicine will, in time, end any serious debate between individual and economic liberty and nanny-state dependence.

Now is the time, then, that conservatives must — and Republicans should­ — take full ownership of the health care issue, by pledging unequivocally that if elected, they will repeal any federal health care takeover and replace it with market-based reforms. And they should make this pledge now, before Obamacare even becomes law.

This will accomplish several goals.

First, it will immediately define the 2010 and 2012 election campaigns. Obamacare has the potential to be the most unifying domestic political issue in a generation, and one that plays to the GOP’s traditional strength: principled policy debates. The election will no longer serve as a referendum on a personally likable president but as his loathsome signature policy.

Second, the pledge will remind wavering Democrats that throwing away their political careers for Obamacare will make them suckers, not martyrs. This thing will be repealed before most of it even takes effect. Indeed, it’s possible that promising now to repeal Obamacare may be the only way to prevent its passage in the first place.

And third, it will realign, for the first time in years, the conservative movement and the Republican Party. Conservative voters are going to favor repeal. They should not have to drag Republican leaders — once again — to the principled and politically intelligent position. For once, the establishment could get to the party on time.

Pledging to repeal Obamacare — even now, before it becomes law — will immediately change the dynamics of the debate and send a clear and important message from an energized and reform-minded GOP to the Democrats and the American people: This fight is not over.

Chris Chocola is president of the Club for Growth.

dyn.politico.com