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To: Sully- who wrote (33123)2/21/2010 3:59:42 AM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
Investigate this

By Paul
Power Line

The Obama-Holder Justice Department has concluded that the Bush administration lawyers who wrote and signed the so-called torture memos will not face discipline. The Department finds, however, that these lawyers "exercised poor judgment."

The investigation was ill-conceived, to put it as kindly as I can. To put it less kindly, the investigation was a politically-motivated witch hunt.

The incoherence of the Justice Department's exercise can be gleaned from this statement by Assocate Deputy Attorney General David Margolis, who apparently made the final decision, and who reportedly regarded the question of whether to impose discipline as a close one:

<<< I fear that John Yoo's loyalty to his own ideology and convictions clouded his view of his obligations to his client and led him to author opinions that reflected his own extreme, albeit sincerely held, views of executive power." >>>


I happen to disagree with some of Yoo's views regarding the executive's power under the law. But wasn't Yoo's obligation to provide his client with his sincere view on that question?

Ironically, one of the two charges against Yoo is "failure to provide candid legal advice." Having concluded that Yoo was candid to a fault, Margolis obviously must not think the question of imposing discipline was "close" as to this charge.

Margolis apparently believes that Yoo's sincere view of what the law permits the executive to do was influenced by "his own ideology and convictions." But the same might be alleged against Margolis or any other lawyer who offers a legal opinion on a politically-charged issue. If we're going to start probing how ideology influences the legal opinions of government lawyers, we're headed down a long, dangerous, and ultimately futile path.

A future Justice Department might, for example, wish to examine the role of ideology and convictions in the legal analysis performed during the investigation of Yoo and his then-boss Jay Bybee in this instance. It is reported that the Justice Department lawyers involved "repeatedly shifted their own views and analysis in the course of multiple drafts." Were these shifts solely the result of an evolving objective, non-ideological analysis, or were other factors at work?

It is also clear, as devastatingly shown in a letter from then-Attorney General Mukasey (about which more later), that a draft report Justice Department officials originally intended to release as final was full of basic errors, despite being four years in the works. Were these errors the product of incompetence or bias?

Never mind. I'd like to know, but I don't want an investigation.




powerlineblog.com



To: Sully- who wrote (33123)2/21/2010 4:29:03 AM
From: Sully-  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 35834
 
Attorney General Mukasey and Deputy Attorney General Filip Shredded OPR's Misconduct Allegations Against Bush Lawyers

By: Andy McCarthy
The Corner

The Justice Department last night released the Office of Professional Responsibility’s report clearing Bush-era attorneys of professional misconduct. The baseless claims of ethical lapses stemmed mostly from 2002 legal opinions issued by DOJ’s Office of Legal Counsel in connection with the CIA’s interrogation program.

For whatever reason, when the Justice Department released its report to Congress, inevitably ensuring that it would be made public, it did not release a crucial letter to OPR written by the Bush Justice Department’s two highest officials, Attorney General Michael Mukasey and Deputy Attorney General Mark Filip. That letter, dated January 19, 2009 (the last full day of the Bush administration), shredded OPR’s initial Draft Report and the process by which OPR's preliminary conclusions about ethical misconduct were reached.

I have obtained a copy of that letter and I am releasing it here on NRO this morning. It can be found here.



Messrs. Mukasey and Filip are both distinguished former federal judges, and their 14-page analysis of OPR’s shoddy work is withering. The letter ought to be read in full, but here are some highlights:



* After taking nearly five years to complete a nearly 200-page, single-space report, OPR withheld it’s work from the Attorney General and Deputy Attorney General until December 23, 2008 - right before the Christmas and New Year’s holidays, and four weeks before the conclusion of the Bush administration, so that DOJ was then busy with transition to the new Obama administration. OPR did this with an eye toward releasing the report on January 12, 2009. This schedule would have ensured no meaningful review by top DOJ officials, and no meaningful opportunity for comment on the report from counsel for the Bush OLC attorneys whose work was criticized (even though OPR had made a commitment that there would be an opportunity for review and comment).


* The original OPR draft report proceeded, as Mukasey and Filip put it, “seemingly without any consideration of the context in which the OLC opinions were prepared”—namely, in the aftermath of a catastrophic attack on the United States in which almost 3000 Americans were killed, and under circumstances where the OLC lawyers were under “virtually incomparable and extended pressure” to provide guidance to the intelligence community.


* The OPR draft report, after taking nearly five years to review the law, derided the Bush OLC lawyers for failing to cite Khanuja v. I.N.S., a Ninth Circuit case interpreting the UN Convention Against Torture. However, Khanuja is an unpublished opinion, and under Ninth Circuit rules (which are well known to Justice Department lawyers), the citation of unpublished opinions is prohibited and lawyers who disregard this rule may be sanctioned for ethical misconduct.


* Despite having had nearly five years to do its own legal analysis, OPR relied heavily on the work of academic critics of the Bush administration without (a) any explanation of why their work was somehow authoritative, and (b) balance in the form of views of other academics and commentators who had defended the professionalism of the OLC lawyers. For example, in critiquing the work of Bush OLC lawyers John Yoo (a legal scholar and tenured professor of law at the prestigious University of California Bolt School of Law) and Jay Bybee (an accomplished lawyer and now a federal appellate judge), OPR relied extensively on Professor David Luban. As Mukasey and Filip noted, though obviously a thoughtful and prolific scholar, Prof. Luban is not an attorney, has never practiced law (he is a trained philosopher), and is a vigorous critic of the Bush administration and the War on Terror generally. There was no mention of this background and Prof. Luban's patent potential bias in OPR’s Ddraft Rreport.


* The OPR draft report claimed it was “unreasonable” for the Bush OLC lawyers, in construing the concept of “severe pain” for purposes of the federal torture statute, to rely on Congress’s use of the term “severe pain” in a health care statute. But there was no direct precedent for the meaning of “severe pain” in the torture statute, and, as Mukasey and Filip observed, “it is a common practice for lawyers to look to other sources for guidance in interpretation when there is no direct precedent” - and that is exactly what the OLC lawyers explained that they were doing, in addition to turning to dictionary definitions, another common practice.


* The OPR draft report, on the basis of no evidence, questions not only the methods but the motives of the Bush OLC lawyers, claiming that they attempted to reverse a refusal by DOJ’s Criminal Division to decline prosecution for future violations of the torture statute. As Mukasey and Filip recount, “Notably, the Draft Report presents no evidence that the OLC attorneys even opposed the Department’s decision to decline prosecution; to the contrary, OLC was tasked with drafting the written notice refusing to decline prosecution of future statutory violations.”


* OPR privately acknowledged to Mukasey and Filip that there was no direct evidence that the OLC opinions reflected anything other than the OLC lawyers’ “best legal judgment at the time.” Yet, astoundingly, that fact was not mentioned a single time in OPR’s draft report - a report that was centrally about whether the OLC lawyers had provided their best legal judgment.


* It was the OPR Draft Report that recommended the re-examination by DOJ of various declinations to prosecute incidents of detainee abuse. Those declinations were reviewed “independently by two sets of prosecutors, first in the Counterterrorism Section … and later in the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Eastern District of Virginia”; they were arrived at based on case-related considerations that had nothing to do with the information examined in OPR’s Draft Report; and, indeed, the review by the career prosecutors from the Eastern District of Virginia occurred in 2005 - long after the 2002 OLC memos had been withdrawn by DOJ. (ACM note: Attorney General Holder ordered a review of these declinations anyway, just as OPR recommended.)


* OPR’s draft report recommended that later OLC memos be reviewed, alleging that there was “pressure … to complete legal opinions which would allow the CIA interrogation program to go forward.” As Mukasey and Filip recount, this allegation “misinterprets the only evidence it cites.” In fact, Stephen Bradbury, the well-regarded OLC chief behind those memos, stated repeatedly - both in sworn testimony and in interviews with OPR - that “he was never pressured to reach any particular result in his evaluation of the CIA’s interrogation program.”


* The OPR report urged that the Bradbury memos be reviewed by the Justice Department despite the fact that they had already been personally reviewed by Attorney General Mukasey, pursuant to a request by Congress.


* The OPR faulted OLC for failing “to consider and address the moral and policy considerations triggered by the issues.” Yet the precise job of OLC is to provide strict legal advice, shorn of policy and other considerations. Moreover, as Mukasey and Filip concluded, OPR’s suggestion would run afoul of the D.C. Bar’s ethical rules, which counsel that a lawyer is to provide technical legal advice when asked for purely technical legal advice - only where a client is “inexperienced in legal matters” should guidance go beyond “strictly legal considerations.” Nothing in the profession of lawyering makes one expert in matters of morality and policy, and the point is to avoid a situation in which the lawyer’s personal predilections are masqueraded as legal requirements.


I recommend that the letter be read in its entirety.


corner.nationalreview.com



To: Sully- who wrote (33123)2/21/2010 4:46:08 AM
From: Sully-1 Recommendation  Respond to of 35834
 
Miguel Estrada on the Shoddy Partisanship of OPR — Will Holder Investigate the Leaks?

Andy McCarthy
The Corner

Dan had the breaking news on this last night. The usual Friday night Obamaland hijinks, however, will not obscure this episode of shoddy partisanship on the part of the Justice Department's Office of Professional Responsibility, which both concocted a baseless legal ethics complaint against distinguished lawyers from DOJ's Office of Legal Counsel and then, in OPR's own stunning ethical lapse, leaked all manner of information about it over the last year.


Miguel Estrada, counsel for John Yoo, released this statement:

<<< After a years-long investigation, the U.S. Justice Department today rejected a Final Report by the Office of Professional Responsibility purporting to find that Professor John C. Yoo, a distinguished legal scholar in one of our Nation’s finest universities, was guilty of professional misconduct during his tenure as Deputy Assistant Attorney General in the Office of Legal Counsel. In our written submissions to the Department, we demonstrated in great detail how the various versions of the OPR report reflected shockingly substandard legal work and a deep partisan bias. We are pleased that the Justice Department, at long last, has agreed with the bulk of our criticisms.

Mr. Margolis, who conducted the review and rejected OPR’s conclusions, is one of the Department of Justice’s longest-serving, most distinguished and well-respected career civil servants. His conclusion that Professor Yoo complied with the ethical rules accords with the opinions of leading legal ethics scholars such as Professors Geoffrey Hazard and Ronald Rotunda, each of whom has reviewed the memoranda at issue and concluded in expert reports that the memoranda exhibit no violation of the rules of professional responsibility or legal ethics. As might be expected in the case of a lengthy legal document, we do not agree with every aspect of Mr. Margolis’ 69-page analysis. But everyone knows that even the best lawyers disagree amongst themselves on matters of judgment. What matters here is that Mr. Margolis agrees OPR was wrong.

Professor Yoo served our Nation well and honorably in times of great peril. OPR’s work in this matter was shoddy and biased. The only thing that warrants an ethical investigation out of this entire sorry business is the number of malicious allegations against Professor Yoo and Judge Bybee that leaked out of the Department during the last year. It is high time for Attorney General Holder to show that these leaks were not authorized or encouraged—for base partisan purposes—at the highest levels of his department. Mr. Holder can do so by identifying the culprits and referring them for prosecution or bar discipline, as appropriate. >>>


corner.nationalreview.com



To: Sully- who wrote (33123)4/20/2010 3:42:45 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
Criminalizing Debate

IBD Editorials
Posted 04/19/2010 06:58 PM ET

Free Speech: Those fighting unprecedented federal expansion appeal to constitutional principles. With Bill Clinton deployed to demonize the Tea Party movement, is it really the Constitution those in power fear?

There is something terrifying to Democratic leaders about the flavor and the force of the Tea Party, so on the eve of the 15th anniversary of the Oklahoma City bombing, they portrayed the group as a bunch of Timothy McVeighs.

Joe Klein of Time magazine, whose "anonymous" novel "Primary Colors" sought to immortalize the Clintons, on Sunday told Chris Matthews on NBC that the statements of Fox News commentator Glenn Beck and 2008 Republican vice presidential nominee Sarah Palin "rub right up close to being seditious."

Sedition — it's a word usually reserved for government moles who deliver secrets that uncover our spies and get them killed, or conspirators constructing fertilizer bombs in the basement.

Is it really seditious to warn that forcing Americans to buy insurance might violate our constitutional rights? Do you have to be a member of a right-wing militia to worry that we're speeding ever faster toward a fiscal train wreck? Are you a deranged John Hinckley wannabe if you express concern about the administration softening our nuclear use doctrine, or scaling down missile defense?

The Democrats see the Tea Party threat as serious enough to send Bill Clinton into the fray. At an event on Friday commemorating the Oklahoma City mass murder, he warned that "the words we use really do matter, because there's this vast echo chamber, and they go across space and they fall on the serious and the delirious alike. They fall on the connected and the unhinged alike."

This is a repeat performance of a despicable Clinton strategy that, as the Washington Examiner's Byron York recently noted, was used in the immediate aftermath of that 1995 act of terrorism.

"Clinton, aided by pollster/adviser Dick Morris, exploited the bombing to make a political comeback" and "devised a plan to use the bombing to discredit and outmaneuver the new Republican majority in Congress."


Morris recommended that Clinton impose "intrusive" measures to prevent future violence knowing that they would "provoke outrage by extremist groups who will write their local Republican congressmen." When lawmakers complained, it would link the "right-wing of the party to extremist groups."

But Tea Partyers aren't a mob any more than Gen. Washington's troops at Valley Forge were. And they can stand the heat as well as the colonial patriots could stand the cold.



To: Sully- who wrote (33123)4/28/2010 12:27:00 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
'Sedition' Is Constitutional

By John Griffing
American Thinker

For the past year, the Obama administration, unable to win arguments based on facts and merit, has been moving to criminalize the political opposition in an effort to artificially control the debate. First, the DHS published reports classifying conservative viewpoints as terroristic. Then hate crimes legislation was introduced to squash religious speech regarding sexual deviancy. And finally, Regulatory Czar Cass Sunstein claimed the power to ban "falsehoods," an infraction Sunstein in his infinite nonpartisan wisdom would define and determine. And now, the ultimate political A-bomb has been introduced into the public discourse: the charge of sedition.

That was the charge against Glenn Beck and Sarah Palin from Time Magazine's Joe Klein.
"Sedition" is a historically loaded word, since it is primarily associated with the jailing of political opponents and has traditionally been hard to identify. Those in power usually wield the "sedition" slur as a bludgeon against anyone who stands in the way of their agenda, whatever that may be.

But due to the fact that so-called sedition is so frequently associated with issues of free speech, the Supreme Court of the United States (SCOTUS) has ruled numerous times that anti-sedition laws are unconstitutional. Translation: Sedition is constitutional.

Anti-government sentiment is an American tradition. Some would even say that questioning the government and the sincerity of government policies is part of healthy democratic life. In fact, we should be skeptical of those who wish to stifle this sentiment. The Declaration of Independence even defends the idea of a "right to alter or abolish" the government. This is the famous right to revolution. Although lawyers have squabbled over the precise meaning of the words "alter or abolish," and certainly no one wants to see mob-led anarchy, this much is clear: In America, government does not rule subjects. "We the people" rule the government, and government serves at our will. We do not owe the president or members of Congress unquestioning loyalty. That kind of loyalty is the hallmark of another system defeated in two world wars, one hot and one cold.

In America, whenever government becomes destructive to its primary purpose, it must be replaced. And what is the primary purpose of government? The Declaration of Independence enlightens:


<<< We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed. >>>

"That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men ..." How far have we strayed from that maxim?

There were three major Sedition Acts historically: one passed during the Adams administration in the later part of the 18th century, one passed during WWI, and one passed during the FDR administration. Although the 1940 Smith Act is still on the books, all of these statutes have been nullified by the Supreme Court.

In Yates v. United States, the SCOTUS ruled that citizens could even go as far as to advocate the forceful overthrow of the United States government (as long as these discussions were passive in nature.) This case dealt with Communist subversives, a paradigm much more detrimental to the system by which Americans are governed than the much-hyped tea party movement, which simply seeks a return to constitutionally limited government.

Additional cases include New York Times Co. v. Sullivan and Watts v. United States. Although the Sedition Acts expired some years before these cases were decided, the wording is useful. In New York Times Co. v. Sullivan, the SCOTUS declared, "Although the Sedition Act was never tested in this Court, the attack upon its validity has carried the day in the court of history." In Watts v. United States, Justice William O. Douglas concurred: "The Alien and Sedition Laws constituted one of our sorriest chapters; and I had thought we had done with them forever ... Suppression of speech as an effective police measure is an old, old device, outlawed by our Constitution." And finally, Watkins v. United States held that those accused under the Smith Act could rely upon the First Amendment as defense, holding that "[a] congressional investigation is subject to the command that Congress shall make no law abridging freedom of speech or press or assembly." This last case was especially relevant during the so-called Red Scare, when hundreds of suspected Communists were the left's cherished victims of America's own show trials.

This history reveals that, apart from cases where incitement can be shown, using the word "sedition" against political enemies is out of place in a free country. Any American may oppose government policies without advocating the violent overthrow of the entire political system. Those who capriciously bandy about terms like "sedition" are knowingly committing an act of slander, since the charge of sedition requires the intent to upset law and order, a motivation nowhere present in the political movement collectively referred to as the "tea party."

There are the occasional nuts on both ends of the political spectrum, but to tar half of America with such a firebrand word is to engage in willful deception and intimidation -- especially in cases like that of alleged offender Glenn Beck, who is on record promoting nonviolence.

Bottom line: If debates cannot be won based on the strength of arguments, and it becomes necessary to engage in threats and ad hominem attacks, then the debate has already been lost by whoever resorts to these lowbrow devices. Maybe Cass Sunstein should spend some time examining the "falsehoods" emanating from members of his own party, like Nancy Pelosi's decision to stop just short of calling conservative Americans Nazis. It is remarkable that we live in a time when the Speaker of the House can impugn her own constituents with the crudest label known to man and escape serious consequences.

The Obama administration and its journalistic allies must not be allowed to succeed in their goal of silencing free speech for short-term political gain. American freedom is too precious to allow it to be molested by those who would stoop to such dangerous name-calling.


.



To: Sully- who wrote (33123)5/8/2010 1:35:40 AM
From: Sully-  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 35834
 
Judge’s Ruling a Victory for Hutaree and Free Speech

By K. Douglas Lee on liberty
Big Governemnt

Earlier this week, on May 3rd, we witnessed liberty in action: a Clinton-appointed federal judge took the government to task over its continued holding of the Hutaree “Christian militia” members in Michigan.



They can try to spin it any way they want, but the government lost this one, big-time. There are two fundamental rights implicated in the judge’s ruling — free speech, and the right to a reasonable bail. Both of these fundamental, constitutionally protected rights are absolutely vital to our system of ordered liberty, and to the very existence of our republican form of government. Judge Roberts’ ruling thus deserves much wider discussion than the old media has given it; it should be printed out and taught to every high-school kid in the US. It shows how our republic — and our criminal justice system — are meant to work.


Is this a politically motivated prosecution?

It is no secret that even before President Obama was elected, the left began focusing once again on what they call “right wing militia” groups. To hear them talk, every single militia member is a budding young Timothy McVeigh. Thus, there was some alarm but not a great deal of surprise when nine members of the “Christian militia” group called the Hutaree were arrested in Michigan. Now, thanks to an extensive order written by the federal judge in charge of the case, we now know that the case against the Hutaree is thin, and based almost entirely on the theory that they exceeded the allowable bounds of free speech. One could very well argue that by definition this is a politically motivated prosecution, since it focuses on what the government is terming “hate speech.”


I’ve included a copy of the Court’s ruling with this post — please take the time to read it. You will know a great deal more about the evidence against these men. You may be fairly shocked at at paucity of evidence against them. You may even wonder how easy it might be to start with “fringe” groups like the Hutaree, and then draw an ever tighter stranglehold around the free speech rights of other “radical right wing groups,” like your local TEA Party members. Remember, these men never committed any act of violence against any person — they are being prosecuted for their political speech alone.

Perhaps you are sympathetic to the Hutaree, perhaps you are not, but every one of us must understand that what happens to them affects the liberty interests of every person in the USA. Their case is clearly one in which we are being called upon to determine the boundaries of free speech. At stake is much more than your freedom ability to speak out and criticize the government that you elect and that you put in power — what’s at stake is your freedom from imprisonment for voicing your political views.



Sorry, Monterrey, but the entire USA is a free speech zone!

Do not be misled; the Hutaree case is all about the limits of your first amendment right to free speech — specifically, your right to be free from imprisonment for engaging in political speech that others find offensive and dangerous. However, “free speech” is not the only liberty-based value at stake; the age-old right to bail has been attacked by the government, who have sought to keep the Hutaree members incarcerated until trial. Fortunately, for all liberty-loving Americans, the federal judge in charge of the case has sided squarely with truth, justice and the American Way.

Bail — it’s not just for criminals, it’s for all of us.
In America, our values dictate that we should usually wait until a person has actually been convicted of wrongdoing before we incarcerate him; not always, but usually. After all, what good is the right to a fair trial if you can be forced to “do the time” even when you did not “do the crime”?

The Eighth Amendment to the Constitution prohibits “excessive bail,” and was based on the English common law system that we had inherited. The right to a reasonable bail was one of the things that the English (and later, the Americans) proudly claimed made them “free.” It should thus be no surprise that in passing laws regarding pre-trial detention, “Congress envisioned the pretrial detention of only a fraction of accused individuals awaiting trial.” United States v. Orta, 760 F.2d 887, 891-92 (8th Cir. 1985).

However, bail can be denied in certain circumstances, and the Hutaree members are charged with some very serious crimes: (1) Seditious Conspiracy, (2) Attempt to Use Weapons of Mass Destruction, (3) Carrying, Using, and Possessing a Firearm During and in Relation to a Crime of Violence, and (4) Teaching/Demonstrating Use of Explosive Materials (though only two Hutaree members are charged with the last crime). In fact, Judge Roberts pointed out that “[t]wo of the charges against the Defendants – Attempt to Use Weapons of Mass Destruction; and, Carrying, Using, and Possessing a Firearm During and in Relation to a Crime of Violence” are so serious that they “create a presumption that no condition, or combination of conditions, will reasonably assure Defendants’ appearance in Court as required, and the safety of the community.” Order, page 7. This means that anyone who is merely charged with these crimes will have a very hard time convincing a court that he should be released pending trial, even if the evidence against him is less than convincing.

So, these charges flip the standard upside down — merely be charged with these crimes creates a presumption that the defendant cannot be released pending trial. Onc can see why the judge appears very uncomfortable with this new standard. After all, the government has tremendous leeway in its ability to charge crimes. Any of us who have defended criminal cases in court know that prosecutors routinely charge people in a way that forces them into a box — either plead to something lesser, or go to trial and risk many more years in prison. Prosecutors also routinely charge cases in such a way as to insure that defendants will stay in jail for several months — even years, sometimes — before they go to trial. It becomes far easier to get a conviction this way.

I’m not passing judgment on the prosecutors who use these tactics, though, because altogether I believe that the criminal justice system is about as fair as it can be. However, when the charges are political in nature, there is a great danger that these tactics can be used to squelch political dissent. Instead of keeping society safe and protecting our liberty, these tactics can be used to create an authoritarian police state.

Judge Roberts, however, pointed out that ” the government may not merely come before the trial court, present its indictment, and thereby send the defendant off to jail, foreclosing any further discussion. Rather the defendant . . . must be afforded the opportunity for a hearing at which he may come forward with evidence to meet his burden of production, leaving on the government the ultimate burden of persuasion.” Order, page 7, citing United States v. Hurtado, 779 F.2d 1467, 1478 (11th Cir. 1985). So the court-appointed federal public defenders submitted their arguments to the court on behalf of the Hutaree, with results that have apparently stunned the prosecutors.

<<< “Defendants believe that because the weight of the evidence is insubstantial, the Court should have serious reservations about denying them bail… the Government failed to persuade the Court that Defendants must be held until trial.” >>>

In essence, the court has smacked the prosecutors in the face by saying that there is so very little weight to the evidence in their case that, even though two of the charges are extremely serious, the defendants cannot be held without bail pending trial:

<<< Nonetheless, the weight of the evidence the Government has against Defendants is an important consideration. In fact, the seriousness of the charged offenses, the weight of the evidence, and whether the Defendants are a danger to the community, are inextricably intertwined; the Court’s own Pretrial Services Agency, which makes bond recommendations, concluded that but for the seriousness of the offenses charged, the Defendants are all people it would normally recommend for release on bond. >>>


Allow me to translate this for you: the evidence was thin enough that the Court would not normally hold these men without bail. However, because two of the charges are so serious, they have been held without bail until now.

Since the charges are so serious, the judge has to be pretty convinced that the government’s case is very weak before she will let the men out on bail. Here is the key to the entire case:


<<< The United States is correct that it need not wait until people are killed before it arrests conspirators. But, the Defendants are also correct: their right to engage in hatefilled, venomous speech, is a right that deserves First Amendment protection. Because speech is so much a part of the Government’s case, Defendants urge the Court to look carefully at the evidence in making its bond decision. Defendants believe that because the weight of the evidence is insubstantial, the Court should have serious reservations about denying them bail. Due to the complexity of the case, and the number of Defendants, Defendants say they could be in jail for a long time, awaiting trial. >>>


Did you get that, liberty-lovers? The right to engage in “hatefilled, venomous speech” is protected by the First Amendment. This is definitely not the left’s understanding at all; nowadays, the Liberal/Progressive movement treats any speech that they do not like as “hate speech,” and are busy passing laws to try to criminalize it. For the left, Judge Roberts’ ruling must really sting.



It's all in the Constitution.

The Court did address the problem that the difference between protected free political speech and illegally conspiring to commit serious, violent crimes is “not always clear.” The Court made cited “the clear principle that crime masquerading as speech deserves no First Amendment protection.” Yet, despite the undeniably high standard that the Hutaree members were subjected to, and the very lenient standard that the government’s case was held to, Judge Roberts found that (1) Defendants met their burden to produce evidence in favor of release; and (2) the Government failed to persuade the Court that Defendants must be held until trial.”

In short, the evidence of actual wrongdoing on the part of the Hutaree members was just far too thin to justify holding them without bail. Despite a two-year investigation into the group, despite the seriousness of the charges, despite even the videotaped evidence of the UN flag being burned by the Hutaree (to the shock and horror of Liberals everywhere), the Judge did not find the evidence against them to amount to anything other than hate-speech.

True, this is not a “not guilty” finding, but it certainly does not bode well for the government’s case.
In this case, the proof was considered along with the serious nature of the charges, and there was a presumption against releasing the men. Convictions, however, require proof “beyond a reasonable doubt,” and the government must overcome a presumption of innocence at trial. They are not out of the woods yet, but certainly, the Hutaree members have great cause for celebration today.

And, regardless of the ultimate outcome of this prosecution, all liberty-loving Americans have cause to celebrate Judge Roberts’ ruling. It is a victory for us all.

The judge’s order may be found below:

Order revoking Hutaree detention



To: Sully- who wrote (33123)7/22/2010 2:03:13 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
No charges against Bush DOJers on fired DAs, no apologies expected

By: Mark Tapscott
Editorial Page Editor
07/21/10 5:40 PM EDT


Remember how President Bush, presidential counselor Karl Rove, and Attorney General Alberto Gonzales politicized the Department of Justice by dropping voter intimidation charges against two members of the New Black Pan .... sorry ... for firing nine district attorneys?

Remember how this was the worst abuse of the justice system since the Nixon era? Remember how House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and House Judiciary Committee Chairman John Conyers talked darkly about criminal charges? Remember how the New York Times and the rest of the liberal ranks of the Mainstream Media cheered when Gonzales resigned in disgrace?

Well, guess what - the Obama-Holder Justice Department has, according to AP, decided not to file any charges against any Bush appointees in connection with the DA firings.
Now that the news is breaking, however, don't be surprised if somebody decides to reverse the decision, go after different charges, or otherwise seek to bring some sort of legal opprobrium on the former Bush appointees.

Former Examiner associate editorial page Quin Hillyer has been writing about this case for years. Here's his latest at The American Spectator, and it includes links to his many previous offerings on the issue in which he predicted this outcome.

Read more at the Washington Examiner: washingtonexaminer.com



To: Sully- who wrote (33123)8/16/2010 4:05:57 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
*** I blame Bush!!! ***

DeLay Lawyer Says Justice Department Ends Probe on Abramoff Ties

Associated Press

The Justice Department has ended its six-year criminal probe of the ties between former House Majority Leader Tom DeLay and disgraced ex-lobbyist Jack Abramoff without filing any criminal charges against the former congressman.
....

.