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Politics : American Presidential Politics and foreign affairs -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: longnshort who wrote (41466)2/26/2010 8:44:17 PM
From: Magnatizer  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 71588
 
reduce all government workers pay by 25%

You left winger. That's not nearly enough. ;-)



To: longnshort who wrote (41466)2/27/2010 11:59:46 PM
From: RMF  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 71588
 
I think another good thing would be ending all these tax exemptions for all these religious groups.



To: longnshort who wrote (41466)4/29/2010 10:49:26 PM
From: Peter Dierks  Respond to of 71588
 
The ACLU Approves Limits on Speech
On campaign contributions, a dramatic about-face.
APRIL 30, 2010.

By FLOYD ABRAMS , IRA GLASSER AND JOEL GORA
If that headline has a certain man bites dog quality, it's because for almost 40 years the ACLU was the one major liberal organization that opposed campaign finance restrictions as violating the First Amendment. Although it supported disclosure of large contributions to candidates and public financing of campaigns to facilitate more speech, it resolutely opposed any limits on campaign giving and spending—including limits "voluntarily" accepted as the price of taking public funding.

Expenditures by candidates (including of their own funds), contributions, advertising by political parties, labor unions, nonprofit organizations and even business corporations were all viewed by the ACLU as embodying fundamental constitutional rights. As a result, its policy was clear and concise: "Limitations on contributions or expenditures made by individuals or organizations for the purpose of advocating causes or candidates in the public forum impinge directly on freedom of speech and association. Their implementation poses serious dangers to the First Amendment. They should be opposed in candidate as well as referenda elections." Until now.

Over the objections of some key senior staff and by a very narrow vote, the ACLU National Board of Directors rejected core aspects of that longstanding policy earlier this month.

The organization will now accept "reasonable" government limitations on contributions to candidates. The ACLU doesn't say what "reasonable" means, so the government will doubtless supply the definition. This will inevitably benefit those who are already elected and disadvantage challengers. Indeed, for 35 years "reasonable" limits on contributions have demonstrably helped incumbents and suppressed insurgent candidates.

When Eugene McCarthy challenged incumbent President Lyndon Johnson in the 1968 New Hampshire primary over the Vietnam War, his candidacy was only made viable by three wealthy supporters. Had McCarthy been required to raise large amounts of money in small donations from lots of people, his campaign would not have gotten off the ground, and his voice would not have been heard. This is how limits on contributions end up limiting speech.

The ACLU has also endorsed government limits on spending by candidates who accept public financing. Here, too, restrictions will empower incumbents by forcing challengers to agree to limit their campaigns in order to get public funding. This is precisely why Barack Obama rejected such limits for his presidential campaign. But now he and the ACLU will support imposing them on others.

Incumbents love contribution limits and public financing schemes that require challengers to accept contribution limits because the less speech challengers have, the better off incumbents are. In effect, under the ACLU's new policy, insurgent candidates will be forced to waive their right to more speech as a condition of accepting public financing, which will never be set at levels sufficient to generate a viable challenge.

To be sure, the ACLU board did not approve direct government limits on expenditures by candidates, individuals and independent groups like unions and corporations. Having supported the challenge by Citizens United to criminal bans on corporate and union expenditures—in brave opposition to liberal orthodoxy—the ACLU did not abandon that position, which has now been adopted by the Supreme Court.

Nonetheless, we've come to this: The premier First Amendment organization in America now favors limitations on the First Amendment in the area in which all agree it must have its most powerful application—political speech during election campaigns.

Experience has shown that the kinds of campaign finance limits the ACLU now endorses have entrenched the powers-that-be even further. Thus the ACLU is prescribing a lot of First Amendment pain for no real democratic gain. And in the process of changing its policy, the principal defender of free-speech rights will abandon that field to others.

In essence, the rhetoric of egalitarianism has won a victory over freedom of speech: The new restrictions the ACLU supports will never bring about the equality it claims is its goal. This is a self-inflicted wound from which the ACLU will not soon recover.

Mr. Abrams represented Sen. Mitch McConnell in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission. Mr. Glasser was executive director of the ACLU from 1978-2001. Mr. Gora, a professor at Brooklyn Law School, is counsel to ACLU on campaign finance cases.

online.wsj.com



To: longnshort who wrote (41466)3/15/2012 10:48:33 PM
From: greatplains_guy1 Recommendation  Respond to of 71588
 
At the EPA, environmentalism isn’t a ‘spectator sport’
Published: 12:25 PM 03/14/2012
By Sandra Fabry

Lisa Jackson’s Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) is at it again. Already having been called out on flawed science for its ground water studies in Wyoming in the fight over the practice of hydraulic fracturing, the agency is now clashing with the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, which charges the EPA with meddling, as the agency seeks to increase federal oversight of the Marcellus Shale, a rock formation believed to hold the largest reservoir of natural gas in the U.S.

This new degree of involvement in state regulatory affairs shows once more that Jackson wasn’t kidding when she quipped on “The Daily Show” last year that “environmentalism isn’t a spectator sport.” Just how serious she was has become evident in the battle over the Keystone XL pipeline project connecting the oil sands in Alberta, Canada with American refineries on the Gulf of Mexico.

As the pipeline crosses an international border, the Keystone XL permitting decision rests with the State Department, leaving the environmental left very “uncomfortable.” In spite of the fact that the State Department produced two separate environmental impact statements over three years of intensive review involving 10 federal and various state and local agencies, Jackson’s EPA flexed its muscle under the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA). Throwing a wrench into the process, it called each of the State Department studies “inadequate,” thus prompting further review.

Some believe the president, having only recently declared that “We Can’t Wait” on job creation, would have genuinely liked to approve the project, which also had the support of many labor unions due to its estimated job benefits. Ultimately, however, political calculus trumped policy.

Having already disappointed the environmental left with his failure to push through cap and trade, the president appears to have crossed an invisible green line by rejecting EPA chief Jackson’s proposal to tighten national smog standards last fall. White House officials were warned in private “that the pipeline permit decision had become even more significant,” while donors threatened to abandon the president’s re-election efforts. Attempting to placate environmentalists, the administration first sought to put off a decision until after the election. However, when put on the spot by Congress, the president not only rejected the project in January, he even actively lobbied U.S. senators to kill last week’s Keystone XL amendment, thus increasingly inviting the question of who is serving whom.

As Robert Samuelson has written, the president’s decisions have “no redeeming virtues and — beyond the symbolism — won’t even advance the goals of the groups that demanded it.” The effort to derail Keystone XL may go beyond the actual pipeline, and be “part of a broader effort to stop the expansion of the tar sands.” However, stopping Keystone will not change the resolve of the Canadian government to develop tar sands. Without the pipeline, environmental risks may in fact increase, as Canada may ship its oil-sands petroleum elsewhere via tankers. The obvious losers: U.S. energy security and American workers. While the job creation figure associated with Keystone XL may be subject to dispute, it is clearly in the thousands at a time when every job counts.

Unfortunately, the flexing of the EPA’s job-killing muscle is not an isolated incident. Reviewing the EPA’s permitting process for surface mining in the Appalachian region, a fall 2011 report by the EPA inspector general found that less than a third of the 185 permit applications identified had been approved. Almost half of them took 731 days to review — 587 days longer than EPA’s claimed average evaluation period of 144 days. A Chamber of Commerce-commissioned study, which found that the NEPA process impeded 351 private sector infrastructure projects in 2011, put a sobering price tag on the delay-and-cancel practices — $577 billion in lost investment and the destruction of 1.9 million jobs. Meanwhile, the EPA continues to be a lead contributor to the steady stream of new federal regulations, many of which harm job creation.

Lisa Jackson’s Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) is at it again. Already having been called out on flawed science for its ground water studies in Wyoming in the fight over the practice of hydraulic fracturing, the agency is now clashing with the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, which charges the EPA with meddling, as the agency seeks to increase federal oversight of the Marcellus Shale, a rock formation believed to hold the largest reservoir of natural gas in the U.S.

This new degree of involvement in state regulatory affairs shows once more that Jackson wasn’t kidding when she quipped on “The Daily Show” last year that “environmentalism isn’t a spectator sport.” Just how serious she was has become evident in the battle over the Keystone XL pipeline project connecting the oil sands in Alberta, Canada with American refineries on the Gulf of Mexico.

As the pipeline crosses an international border, the Keystone XL permitting decision rests with the State Department, leaving the environmental left very “uncomfortable.” In spite of the fact that the State Department produced two separate environmental impact statements over three years of intensive review involving 10 federal and various state and local agencies, Jackson’s EPA flexed its muscle under the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA). Throwing a wrench into the process, it called each of the State Department studies “inadequate,” thus prompting further review.

Some believe the president, having only recently declared that “We Can’t Wait” on job creation, would have genuinely liked to approve the project, which also had the support of many labor unions due to its estimated job benefits. Ultimately, however, political calculus trumped policy.

Having already disappointed the environmental left with his failure to push through cap and trade, the president appears to have crossed an invisible green line by rejecting EPA chief Jackson’s proposal to tighten national smog standards last fall. White House officials were warned in private “that the pipeline permit decision had become even more significant,” while donors threatened to abandon the president’s re-election efforts. Attempting to placate environmentalists, the administration first sought to put off a decision until after the election. However, when put on the spot by Congress, the president not only rejected the project in January, he even actively lobbied U.S. senators to kill last week’s Keystone XL amendment, thus increasingly inviting the question of who is serving whom.

As Robert Samuelson has written, the president’s decisions have “no redeeming virtues and — beyond the symbolism — won’t even advance the goals of the groups that demanded it.” The effort to derail Keystone XL may go beyond the actual pipeline, and be “part of a broader effort to stop the expansion of the tar sands.” However, stopping Keystone will not change the resolve of the Canadian government to develop tar sands. Without the pipeline, environmental risks may in fact increase, as Canada may ship its oil-sands petroleum elsewhere via tankers. The obvious losers: U.S. energy security and American workers. While the job creation figure associated with Keystone XL may be subject to dispute, it is clearly in the thousands at a time when every job counts.

Unfortunately, the flexing of the EPA’s job-killing muscle is not an isolated incident. Reviewing the EPA’s permitting process for surface mining in the Appalachian region, a fall 2011 report by the EPA inspector general found that less than a third of the 185 permit applications identified had been approved. Almost half of them took 731 days to review — 587 days longer than EPA’s claimed average evaluation period of 144 days. A Chamber of Commerce-commissioned study, which found that the NEPA process impeded 351 private sector infrastructure projects in 2011, put a sobering price tag on the delay-and-cancel practices — $577 billion in lost investment and the destruction of 1.9 million jobs. Meanwhile, the EPA continues to be a lead contributor to the steady stream of new federal regulations, many of which harm job creation.


dailycaller.com