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Politics : Formerly About Advanced Micro Devices -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: i-node who wrote (564267)5/2/2010 10:31:51 PM
From: tejek  Respond to of 1577985
 
Public opinion polls released this week found overwhelming support for measures like Arizona's immigration law. But protests, lawsuits, and calls for boycotts would say otherwise.

Yeah, which are you going to believe, dumbass?

Scientific polls by multiple organizations, or biased reporting from MSNBC and CNN?

The answer, of course, is the one that most supports your ideology.


And where do you think I stand on this issue, o wise one?



To: i-node who wrote (564267)5/2/2010 10:36:05 PM
From: J_F_Shepard  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 1577985
 
Do polls supporting Arizona's racist law surprise you? If a poll were taken to ask whether you would support segregation in the US it would easily gain a plurality...so don't claim a moral victory..



To: i-node who wrote (564267)5/2/2010 10:59:15 PM
From: tejek  Respond to of 1577985
 
This is what Bush did to this country and you really think history will vindicate him!!! Either you are really clueless about how the world works or are in some serious denial.......or maybe a bit of both.

Greece a bad omen for others in debt

By Edward Chancellor

Published: May 2 2010 10:28 | Last updated: May 2 2010 10:28

The Eurosceptics have long argued that a currency union was inappropriate for Europe. However, Greece’s problems are not merely to do with the single currency. Rather, they are the result of national profligacy. Other governments have also over-indulged themselves. If the current economic recovery falters, sovereign debt crises are likely to break out beyond the borders of Europe.

The eurozone’s “one-size-fits-all” interest rate contributed to credit bubbles in the periphery. It also led to higher relative inflation, which has left countries like Greece, Portugal and Spain uncompetitive. With the traditional escape route of currency devaluation no longer available, these countries face severe deflationary pressures. Given such dire circumstances, it is small wonder the credit markets have lost confidence.

It’s not all about ‘marble palaces’ - Apr-18Bubbles: a Victorian lesson in mania - Apr-11The Madoff story reveals more faults - Apr-04Ask not what to cut, but what to keep - Mar-28Reveal the ‘true cost’ of the croupier’s take - Mar-21Industry that feeds the bubble beast - Mar-14Yet it is possible that confidence in Greek finances would have collapsed even had the country never joined the eurozone. The key features of sovereign credit vulnerability are laid out in a timely new book, Sovereign DisCredit by David Roche and Bob McKee of Independent Strategy.

The single most important indicator of credit weakness is the national savings rate. Greeks are among the world’s leading spendthrifts with a net savings rate of around -7 per cent of GDP, according to Tim Lee of Pi Economics. Japan, by contrast, has been able to finance the huge expansion of its national debt over the past two decades thanks to its traditionally high savings rate. However, as its population ages, Japanese household savings are set to turn negative. Both the US and UK also have negative net savings rates.

Countries with low savings tend to grow more slowly and depend on external sources to fund fiscal deficits. In good times, governments have little trouble finding the money. Yet foreign creditors are more skittish than domestic ones; they take fright easily and during times of contagion are liable to force up interest rates, creating a debt spiral. This is what is happening to Greece where roughly 70 per cent of the national debt is held by foreigners.

The stock of outstanding government debt relative to GDP is another important measure of sovereign credit standing. Research by economists Carmen Reinhart and Ken Rogoff suggests that when the government debt burden becomes larger than 90 per cent of GDP, economic growth tends to slow, reducing the tax revenues needed to repay the loans. Greece’s government debt to GDP ratio is forecast to reach a 135 per cent by 2011. Yet it is not the worst culprit. Japan’s government debt is set to climb to 227 per cent of GDP by the end of next year.

The national debts of Britain and the US are also forecast to exceed the 90 per cent of GDP threshold by 2011. With their low domestic savings rates, the US and Britain depend on external financing. If foreigners were to lose confidence in either US or UK government finances, they would also demand higher interest rates.

The IMF has calculated the level of fiscal frugality needed for countries to bring their government debt levels down to a sustainable 60 per cent of GDP. According to the Fund’s calculation, the US would have to run a budget surplus prior to financing charges of 4.5 per cent of GDP a year for 15 consecutive years to bring the national debt down to an appropriate level. Japan would have to run a fiscal surplus of some 15 per cent of GDP for 15 years to reach the same target.


Rapid growth in government indebtedness is a further indicator of sovereign vulnerability. Mr Reinhart and Mr Rogoff observe that sovereign defaults normally occur after a frenzied run-up in debt. The average increase in debt in the four years prior to a sovereign default has been 40 per cent. By coincidence, Greek debt is forecast to rise by exactly this amount between 2007 and 2011. The national debts of the UK and Japan will climb by 44 per cent over the same period.

Quantitative indicators of sovereign credit vulnerability do not tell the whole story. Countries with bloated government sectors and cultures of entitlement, such as Greece, are more likely to default. There is an alternative. History suggests that when governments raise taxes and cut spending they are less likely to default.

Most governments, however, will follow the path of least political resistance. This will mean more spending and continuing fiscal deficits. Mr Reinhart and Mr Rogoff find that the cycle of sovereign defaults tends to pick up a few years after banking crises. Given the severity of the global credit crunch and the weak state of government finances in most advanced economies, it is unlikely that future sovereign debt crises will be confined to the shores of the Mediterranean.

ft.com



To: i-node who wrote (564267)5/2/2010 11:32:15 PM
From: tejek  Respond to of 1577985
 
Within three months of Henderson's ouster, he had eased out four other executives, reassigned 20 more, and brought in seven outsiders to fill top jobs—a shock to an insular company that had long been famous for paving over failure while compensating it handsomely.

Dang! Rs are all the same.

"He realizes that the biggest change GM needs is cultural," says Jim Kahan, who was senior vice-president for corporate strategy under Whitacre at AT&T. "It was always blaming the union, the government, or the economy."

Finally, someone who isn't a wuss and blames all their problems on the unions.

Ed Whitacre's Battle to Save GM from Itself

Brought in by Obama's car czar to help revive the automaker after bankruptcy, "Big Ed" fired CEO Fritz Henderson and took the wheel himself. GM's sales are bouncing back, but Whitacre's redesign is just beginning

By David Welch

This Issue
May 3, 2010

The 15 General Motors dealers who flew to Detroit last September for a dinner with GM management were not an easily rattled bunch. They had endured the worst auto sales slide in 25 years, as well as the bankruptcy of the iconic carmaker on which they had built their businesses. Only three months had passed since GM accepted a $50 billion federal bailout, announcing the retirement of four of its eight brands and the shutting down of 1,900 dealers—a third of its domestic retail network. These dealers were the survivors, some of the more prosperous people in their towns, and they wanted a little reassurance.

CEO Fritz Henderson gathered the group in a private conference room at the Westin Detroit Metro Airport and tried to demonstrate that he had a plan, according to an executive in the room who asked not to be named because he was not authorized to describe the dinner. Henderson announced that GM was going on the offensive with better models, new marketing, and a plan to remake its sclerotic corporate culture. Then he introduced the other GM boss in the room, the one the government had sent to keep an eye on the company.

Edward E. Whitacre Jr., a laconic, squinty-eyed, six-foot-four-inch Texan, had been GM's nonexecutive chairman for barely two months. He was typically blunt. "We're going to get this turned around," Whitacre promised. And if current leadership can't fix the company, he said, "we'll find someone who can." To Duane Paddock, a dealer in Buffalo whose family has been selling Chevys for 75 years, Whitacre's words weren't menacing, just matter-of-fact. He liked hearing that Whitacre would find a way to win. "We knew the world was going to change," says Paddock, one of Chevy's largest retailers and often the top seller in New York State. "We knew the personnel would change. But you don't know who will be left."

Not Henderson, as it turns out. Whitacre and the board fired him on Dec. 1, ending his tryout on day 143. The board, reconstituted in July with Whitacre and seven other new members joining five from the old guard, had been skeptical that Henderson, a GM lifer, was radical enough to change the company. Whitacre—the former telecom executive who turned a broken Baby Bell into the resurgent AT&T (T)—decided he was the man to fix GM. "Fritz was moving to change things," says an executive with direct knowledge of the decision who was not authorized to speak about it. "But a lot more needed to be done."

Ed Whitacre, 68, wasn't looking to live in Detroit. He has made his home San Antonio for many years—his office there is crowded with statues of cowboys, cattle, and horses—and is involved in the vital affairs of his home state; he helped his alma mater, Texas Tech University, hire Bobby Knight as its basketball coach. His wife, Linda, stays mostly in Texas, but Whitacre took an apartment in downtown Detroit and got to work.

Within three months of Henderson's ouster, he had eased out four other executives, reassigned 20 more, and brought in seven outsiders to fill top jobs—a shock to an insular company that had long been famous for paving over failure while compensating it handsomely. The tide also swept out solid performers allied with the old regime, such as Vice-Chairman Bob Lutz, who had overseen the development of the Chevy Malibu, the Cadillac CTS, and eight other vehicles that were beginning to sell well. Lutz was marginalized by Whitacre and announced his retirement, effective May 1. "In the past," says Lutz, "GM was accused of not enough change. You have to find the balance between the pace of change and trauma to the organization."

People close to Whitacre say he would rather cope with trauma than accept the status quo at a company that lost $84.3 million a day in 2008.

Three days after taking over, he reorganized sales and marketing, and then, after just three months, let his deputy reorganize the departments again—a restructuring of the restructuring that caused middle managers to fear for their jobs and even question whether Whitacre had the right disposition for his. Some say that fear has made them more cautious when Whitacre wants them to take more risk.

Whitacre isn't big on deliberation—or on talking to the press. He refused several requests to comment for this story, though GM did provide access to dozens of employees—from Whitacre's fellow executives to assembly workers. Although some refused to speak on the record, their comments create a detailed portrait of a corporate culture in flux. "Ed's view is that the business is more complicated than it needs to be," says Vice-Chairman Stephen Girsky, a former Wall Street auto analyst who has become Whitacre's right-hand man.

Former CEO Rick Wagoner, who lost $88 billion between 2005 and 2009, used a dozen metrics to evaluate his executives. Whitacre, who holds just one meeting per week with his 13-member management team, has boiled it down to six: market share, revenue, operating profit, cash flow, quality, and customer satisfaction. He wants nimble managers who decide fast and correct mistakes faster. Vice-Chairman and CFO Christopher P. Liddell, who arrived from Microsoft (MSFT) in January, recently remarked that 12 of GM's 13-person executive committee are either auto industry rookies or new to their jobs. (The two men at the top, Whitacre and Liddell, are the car company rookies.) The two people tasked with remaking GM's image with consumers, North America President Mark L. Reuss and Marketing Vice-President Susan Docherty, are in their 40s and taking on massive responsibility for the first time in their careers. "He realizes that the biggest change GM needs is cultural," says Jim Kahan, who was senior vice-president for corporate strategy under Whitacre at AT&T. "It was always blaming the union, the government, or the economy." Says Reuss: "What we were doing didn't work. The time of providing for everybody, no matter what their performance, is gone."

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businessweek.com