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Politics : American Presidential Politics and foreign affairs -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Geoff Altman who wrote (43217)5/13/2010 3:45:58 PM
From: Peter Dierks  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 71588
 
The whole Obama pantheon is filled with clowns.



To: Geoff Altman who wrote (43217)5/26/2010 8:46:39 AM
From: Peter Dierks1 Recommendation  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 71588
 
May 21, 2010
Leading GOP Out of the Wilderness
By Suzanne Fields

The pundits, wonks and wannabes are busy debating what this week's primary elections mean. Newt Gingrich says Barack Obama has only "a 20 percent chance" of re-election two years hence (and he wants to be the reason why).

Punditry and wonkery are great fun, and occasionally get things right, but a man named Jonathan Kahn actually represents something new for conservatives to sing about. He's on his way to becoming an authentic hip-pop culture hero.


When he made the front page of The Wall Street Journal, it looked like the journal of high finance had been smoking something from the '60s. Why would a guitar-plucking singer from Hollywood who wears sunglasses, a baseball cap and a fashionably scruffy beard that begs for soap and a razor be news? But you quickly learn that he's not a throwback, but a leap forward. His lyrics to "American Heart'" appeal to patriotic derring-do:

Go on, raise the flag

I got staaaarrrs in my eyes.


It's tea party time from Searchlight, Nev., to Music Row in Nashville.

Kahn, who has sung at tea party rallies under the name Jon David, is a unique phenomenon on the left coast. He sings love songs to America and rails against Hollywood that "benefits so much from capitalism and bashes it at the same time."

Though he's been an incognito conservative in the town that tinsel made, he's no longer afraid to have his picture snapped with Sarah Palin. He even takes off his glasses for full facial identification. The two are in sync over what's important -- personal liberty, responsibility and smaller government.

What the tea partiers have accomplished, along with dramatically changing the terms of the debate, is to render the establishment stuffy. They've brought vigor and vitality to conservative convictions and a freshness to conservative thinking.

Now liberals are loathe to call themselves "liberal" and have taken to calling themselves "progressives." They know that liberalism is anathema to most Americans and the political center is shaped by conservative ideas. That's why President Obama in campaign mode ran as a centrist, a mediator and a uniter. He blew his cover with the bullying push for ObamaCare, hence his dramatic fall in the public-opinion polls.

Sen. Evan Bayh, once thought to be Democratic presidential material, knew what he was talking about after the 2004 presidential election, which George W. won.

"We need to be a party that stands for more than the sum of its resentments," he said. "In the heartland where I come from ... we're caricatured as a bicoastal cultural elite that is condescending at best and contemptuous at worst to the values that Americans hold in their daily lives."

Not many liberals listened, and they won four years later when conservatives retreated from sounding a strong message. The conventional wisdom after Obama won the White House was that conservatives should get ready to spend time in the wilderness. To prepare for this camping trip, R. Emmett Tyrrell, the witty and erudite editor of the American Spectator, distributed 400 copies of the L.L. Bean catalogue to guests at his magazine's annual dinner. "Once in the wilderness, I planned to pitch my tent close to that of the comely Gov. Palin," he says. "As it turned out, conservatism's wilderness years only lasted a few months."

Though conservative Republicans didn't need Bob Tyrrell's tents and boots, they could use his more serious advice about how to return to the Promised Land (as Washington imagines it). In his new book, "After the Hangover: The Conservatives' Road to Recovery," he offers scathing criticism of where conservatives have gone wrong, and offers directions for getting it right once more: The "party of ideas" forgot the intellectual foundations of conservatism.

"Whereas in the past conservatism's most prominent voices had been intellectuals," he says, "by the 1990s the intellectuals had been replaced by personalities -- that is to say, outstanding controversialists, often astoundingly vulgar."

He quotes longshoreman-philosopher Eric Hoffer's observation that "every great cause begins as a movement, becomes a business and eventually degenerates into a racket."

Many conservatives were eager to join the rackets. They were courted as celebrities and earned huge sums of money running their mouths with clever sound-bites, but lacked a profound grasp of the conservative moment's founding principles of liberty and limited government, the fertile ground for intellectual growth. Intellect that was alive and energetic in other areas of American life, like Silicon Valley, took a sabbatical in politics, and conservatives never created the culture to fight the battle of ideas.

It's too early to tell if the tea party movement can actually spark a renaissance of conservative ideas, but if Jonathan Kahn is more than a passing fancy, the conservative counterculture may have found its Tambourine Man.

sfields1000@aol.com
realclearpolitics.com



To: Geoff Altman who wrote (43217)8/20/2010 1:02:40 AM
From: Peter Dierks  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 71588
 
Please, No More Teachable Moments
By Victor Davis Hanson
August 19, 2010

The president of the United States has it hard enough without needlessly wading into, and fanning, local controversies. The economy is battered by sluggish growth, high unemployment, record annual deficits and near unsustainable national debt. Over 50 percent of the people now disapprove of Barack Obama's handling of these problems.

So why weigh in on hot-button issues that can only polarize people without solving anything?


Last summer, Harvard professor Henry Louis Gates, a scholar of African-American literature and history, got into a silly dispute with a local policeman. For some reason, President Obama, the leader of the free world, rushed to judgment and gratuitously announced that police Sgt. James Crowley and the local Cambridge, Mass., police had acted "stupidly." For relish, he added that police wrongly stereotype in general. Obama supporters wrote off the entire psycho-drama as a "teachable moment."

Arizona recently passed a bill designed to enforce existing immigration law and stop the enormous influx of illegal aliens into the state. Various groups, including the federal government, quickly made plans to sue the state. Yet various polls indicated that 70 percent of Americans agreed with the Arizona law, and dozens of states were planning similar legislation.

Nonetheless, the president also jumped into that acrimony -- well before the law went into effect. Obama and his attorney general alleged that Arizonans were promoting stereotyping, even though police were forbidden to question the immigration status of those who had not come into prior contact with law enforcement.

Most recently, Obama pontificated about the proposed mosque next to Ground Zero in lower Manhattan, in what his supporters might call a "teachable moment." The issue is not a legal one. Both sides recognize the legal right of Muslims to build mosques anywhere that local zoning ordinances permit them. Instead, the controversy pertains to common decency, and the nature of the funding and proponents of the project.

No matter: The president instead lectured his mostly Muslim audience that America respects the rights of all religions -- again, not the issue in question. A day later, in embarrassment, he backtracked a bit.

Where to start with all these teachable moments?

All these controversies involve issues addressed at the state and local level, with presidential action unnecessary. In such contentious matters, why intervene when Obama cannot do much other than polarize millions?

We have learned that President Obama has a bad habit of impugning the motives of those with whom he disagrees. In the Gates case, he rushed to condemn Crowley and the police. Arizonans were not to be seen as desperate citizens trying to enforce federal law, but instead derided as bigots who harass minorities when they go out to get ice cream. And in the mosque case, the president disingenuously implied that opponents of a Ground Zero mosque wanted to deny the legal right of Muslims to build religious centers.

Note that all three issues poll badly for the president, and belie his former image as a conciliator and healer.

Again, why does Obama go off message to sermonize about these seemingly minor things that so energize his opposition and make life difficult for his fellow Democrats?

First, off-the-cuff pontificating on extraneous issues is a lot easier than dealing with a bad economy, two wars and heightening tensions abroad. Sermonizing is a lot different than rounding up votes in Congress, fending off reporters at press conferences or dealing with aggressors abroad -- and it can also turn our attention away from near 10 percent unemployment and a heavily indebted government.

Second, Obama has spent most of his life around academics, lawyers, journalists and organizers. That insular culture tends to pontificate and lecture others far more than do action-oriented business people, soldiers, doctors and farmers -- the doers who are few and far between in this administration.

Third, as an Ivy League-trained lawyer and former Chicago community organizer, Obama embraces an overarching race/class/gender critique of the United States; the story of America is not so much about an exceptionally independent and prosperous people, a unique Constitution or a vibrant national past in promoting global freedom, but about how the majority oppressed various groups. Clearly, these local instances of purported grievances have excited the president -- and almost automatically prompt his customary but unproven declarations that the majority or establishment in each case is biased or unfair.

Obama should remember that successful presidents build bridges to solve national and international problems. They leave polarizing local controversies to divisive community organizers and partisan activists.



Victor Davis Hanson is a classicist and historian at the Hoover Institution, Stanford University, and author, most recently, of "A War Like No Other: How the Athenians and Spartans Fought the Peloponnesian War." You can reach him by e-mailing author@victorhanson.com.

realclearpolitics.com