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Politics : American Presidential Politics and foreign affairs -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Peter Dierks who wrote (43246)5/17/2010 1:01:18 AM
From: Peter Dierks  Respond to of 71588
 
Friedman Aflame
The Times columnist’s mind melts fact and reason into nonsense

JONAH GOLDBERG

Dostoevsky’s 1872 novel, The Possessed, is a tale about a small town overcome by revolutionary ideas. After an intense meeting of a literary salon, a fire breaks out and one of the villagers comments, “The fire is in the minds of men, not in the roofs of buildings.” The historian James Billington used that phrase — “the fire in the minds of men” — to describe the incendiary ardor of Russian revolutionaries of all stripes, making it the title of his epic history of the subject.

Now, in the hands of New York Times columnist Tom Fried­man, this scene could be a profound metaphor for the need to “green-size” housing in the developing world. Or it might be a perfect symbolic encapsulation of how the battle for the commanding heights of the economic future is really a branding competition between two theories of civilization. Or it might be a cautionary allegory imparted to him over a private dinner in Davos, Switzerland, by the Indian CEO of a Chinese company operating in over 70 nations, manufacturing solar-powered waterless toilets for hearing-impaired Muslims, in what amounts to a “soft power” victory in the war for the hearts and minds of the Islamic world. Then again it might illustrate the ease of communication in our “flattened” world. Or it might be a glimpse into the dangers of Sarah Palin’s “drill, baby, drill” myopia.

Really, it could represent anything, because for Friedman everything is connected to everything else, so everything is a metaphor for everything. “In the Friedman mind,” writes Ian Parker in a 2008 profile for The New Yorker, “things tend to be like something else. The new is like the old. The foreign is like the American. The scattered has a pattern.” Sometimes a cigar is just a cigar, Freud famously observed — but not for Tom the Magic 8 Ball of cliché generation, the maestro of mixed metaphors. A cigar could be the key to understanding why geo­thermal energy is the only way to save the panda. Like the China Syndrome that inexorably leads to the perfect storm that breaks the camel’s back, Tom Friedman encounters no obstacles — factual, logical, or literary — between himself and the points he wants to make.

Consider this classic line from his book The World Is Flat: “The walls had fallen down and the Windows had opened, making the world much flatter than it had ever been — but the age of seamless global communication had not yet dawned.” (Just for the record, the capitalized “Windows” is a reference to the operating system. That makes it crystal clear, right?) Or consider this sentence from his latest epic, Hot, Flat, and Crowded: “The demise of the Soviet Union and its iron curtain was like the elimination of a huge physical and political roadblock on the global economic playing field.”

Playing fields do not have roadblocks; windows in fallen walls, even when opened, do not reveal much. Of course, the reader understands what he is reading, just as the diner might grasp that he is eating possum scat — but that doesn’t really excuse the cook.

Attacking Friedman’s writing style is something of a bipartisan pastime. The gold standard of the genre is Matt Taibbi’s 2005 New York Press disembowelment, “Flathead.” Describing his mounting dread at the prospect of reading and reviewing The World Is Flat, Taibbi writes: “Thomas Friedman in possession of 500 pages of ruminations on the metaphorical theme of flatness would be a very dangerous thing indeed. It would be like letting a chimpanzee loose in the NORAD control room; even the best-case scenario is an image that could keep you awake well into your 50s.” According to The New Yorker, The World Is Flat contains roughly 600 variants of the word “flat”: “Age of Flatism,” “coefficient of flatness,” “compassionate flatism,” “half-flatness,” “flatburger.” There are “ten great flatteners,” each of which is the sort of thing you’d associate with the familiar argument that we live in an interconnected world.

All this reductio ad flatus stemmed from a conversation Friedman had with Nandan Nilekani, the CEO of Infosys, in Banga­lore, India. Nilekani said something that was intellectu­ally, uh, flat about the effects of globalization on international competition: “Tom, the playing field is being leveled.”

“As I left the Infosys campus that evening along the road back to Bangalore,” Friedman explains, “I kept chewing on that phrase: The playing field is being leveled.” Indeed, he masticated it to the point where it was meaningless cud and then had his eureka moment: “What Nandan is saying, I thought, is that the playing field is being flattened . . . Flattened? Flattened? My God, he’s telling me the world is flat!”

The rational response to this is: “My God! That is so not what he’s saying!” As countless others have noted, saying that a playing field is level is not remotely the same thing as saying that the world is flat, even metaphorically. Playing fields are defined by rules, often highly complex, that the participants agree to in advance; “leveling the playing field” means making competition in a specified arena fair. “The world is flat,” on the other hand, suggests flat-earthism, which implies that the speaker is crazy, ignorant, or idiotic. Presumably, Nilekani is none of those things. And even in the days when rational people thought the world was flat, they never suggested it was easy to traverse, borderless, or characterized by level playing fields. Highwaymen lurked just over every hill, and cartographers labeled any unexplored realm with “Here be dragons.” That’s not exactly a celebration of a borderless world.

In the newer editions of The World Is Flat, Friedman addresses the “cottage industry” of critics who attack his reliance on “flatness” to describe the new world order and defends himself on the grounds that he is a popularizer. “Whenever you opt for a big metaphor like ‘The World Is Flat,’” he writes in The World Is Flat 3.0 (get it?), “you trade a certain degree of academic precision for a much larger degree of explanatory power. Of course the world is not flat. But it isn’t round anymore, either. I have found that using the simple notion of flatness to describe how more people can plug, play, compete, connect, and collaborate with more equal power than ever before — which is what is happening in the world — really helps people who are trying to understand the essential impact of all the technological changes coming together today.” “I don’t mind using rhetoric,” he told The New Yorker. “I get criticized for that a lot: it’s ‘too cute,’ too this or that. But I’ve never had a reader come up to me and say, ‘That book was too easy to read. That anecdote went down too easily.’ To simplify something accurately, you’ve got to understand it deeply.”

But there’s the rub. He claims to be simplifying complex ideas and making them more understandable. But what he is in fact doing is taking an already simple idea — say, that of a level playing field — and making it meaningless. You can boil something down to the essentials, but if you keep boiling it you’re just left with nonsense. The level playing field is already a boiled-down idea, comprehensible by high-school sophomores and Charlie Rose alike. Friedman’s alchemist’s brain transmutes the dross of the banal into the bullion of bull.

His reporting and opining on the Middle East was great and Pulitzer-worthy because he actually knew what he was talking about. He spent years reporting from the region, is a serious student of its history, and speaks Arabic. But when he applies his distilling powers to his other hobbyhorses, the result is an ungodly mess.

Which brings us to his jihad for a “green revolution” (a revolution he will watch from the comfort of his mammoth compound in Bethesda, Md.). Over and over again (dear reader, I’ll stop using the phrase “over and over again” if you’ll take it to heart that anything Friedman has said once he has said many, many times), he insists that all of our problems can, will, and must be fixed by accepting his vision for dealing with the climate/energy challenge.

His arguments by now are familiar, because the Democratic party and the Obama administration have adopted them, in toto, as talking points. Friedman’s case for a green revolution, like most such cases, involves jumping to a new argument every time the present one collapses. Like Indiana Jones leaping just in time from one cave-in beneath his feet to the next, whenever the case for “green jobs” falls apart, Friedman leaps to “energy security.” When that crumbles under him, it’s a quick hop to the seeming terra firma of global warming. And when that disintegrates, he falls back on “so what?” Here’s how he put it on Meet the Press: “What I say is if climate change is a hoax, it’s the greatest hoax ever perpetrated on the United States of America. Because everything we would do to get ready for climate change, to build this new green industry, would make us more respected, more entrepreneurial, more competitive, more healthy as a country.”

nrd.nationalreview.com



To: Peter Dierks who wrote (43246)5/17/2010 1:09:21 AM
From: Peter Dierks  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 71588
 
Kagan: Those Who Can't Do, Teach
by Ron Meyer

05/16/2010

Those that can't do, teach. Either that, or they become the President or a Supreme Court justice.

Our Professor in Chief has nominated fellow ex-professor Elena Kagan to the Supreme Court—thus giving another academic a shot to swing our country to the left.

Ever since Obama arrived at the White House, he's been appointing his old academic friends to high places. It's not strange for presidential administrations to have a revolving door with Ivy League universities, but this administration's door is spinning off its hinges.

Elena Kagan, like Obama, never made it big in the economic world. They earned their names by being blessed and selected by the self-perpetuating academics who fill our "best" schools. Even within the Obama Administration, you can connect the dots in Elena Kagan's rise to power.

Kagan graduated from Princeton, Oxford, and Harvard, served as a law clerk, and then almost immediately went back into academia as a professor at Chicago. Coincidentally, from 1992 to 1995, she taught in the same department at Chicago as another young and promising liberal: Barack Obama.

1995 marked the first time Kagan went through the revolving door between academia and government. She was appointed by President Bill Clinton to be his associate White House counsel. After four years with Clinton, her nomination to the D.C. Circuit Court failed, and she returned to academia.

In 1999, she was courted by Harvard's then-president Larry Summers to become the dean of the Law School. Yes, this is the same Larry Summers that is currently the chief economic advisor to President Obama.

In her rise, Kagan certainly knew how to network with the right people, or in her case, the left people. Her connections with Obama and Summers insured she would be taken care of. She wanted to make sure her second trip into politics would not fail like the last one.

Kagan's plan seems to be working. The communications officials at the Obama White House have done a good job marketing her candidacy, portraying her as an open-minded intellectual with a wide base of legal experience.

White House spokesman Robert Gibbs and company are doing all they can to protect the true identity of Elena Kagan. In their estimation, the fact that she doesn't have a long written record is a plus. It makes it much more challenging to find out where she stands on the issues.

The relatively few things we have found out about Kagan point to some radical tendencies.

We know she's not a huge fan of the military. While Kagan was dean, she banded the ROTC from meeting on campus and didn't let military recruiters come to Harvard.

In an email to students in 2003, she justified this action by stating that the military's 'don't ask, don't tell' policy was "a profound wrong—a moral injustice of the first order... I abhor the military's discriminatory recruitment policy." She took out her anger at the military on Harvard's students, and not just any students; she took it out on the ones who were planning to serve our country.

Kagan's radicalism does not stop there. One thing the media has missed (surprise, surprise) is the fact that she hired Cass Sunstein while she was the dean at Harvard. Sunstein—Obama's regulatory czar—has become well-known mainly because Glenn Beck has gone after him on his TV and radio shows.

Beck has called him "the most dangerous man in America.” Sunstein has publicly stated that he wants animals to be represented in court, and he would use the courts to create a "chilling effect" in order to regulate speech that might hurt someone's feelings. He also wants to repeal the 2nd Amendment and ban hunting.

We can't necessarily infer that Kagan supports the same wacky ideas that Sunstein professes, but we can infer that she is sympathetic enough with his ideas to hire him. If she doesn't consider Sunstein radical, she cannot be too far away from him ideologically.

Elena Kagan's intertwined relationship with our country's influential and left-leaning intelligentsia leaves some questions about her nomination. We must be skeptical about people who arise out of this self-perpetuating academia. Kagan's only qualifications are her connections to powerful people.

Obama's administration is filled with people with sketchy views who haven't done anything substantial in the private sector. Kagan has been a teacher or government official nearly her entire life. According to President Obama, this is the type of wisdom and experience we need on the Supreme Court.

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Ron Meyer hosts We the People Show which can be heard at www.wtpshow.com. He is a student at Principia College who has written political opinion for the Santa Barbara News-Press and interned for Fox News, Rep. Todd Akin, The National Journalism Center, and Radio America.

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humanevents.com