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To: benwood who wrote (251550)6/2/2010 6:22:40 PM
From: S. maltophiliaRead Replies (1) | Respond to of 306849
 
<< find the bubble defenders sure there was no bubble >>

OTOH, the rest of us were pointing out bubbles since 1995.<g>



To: benwood who wrote (251550)6/3/2010 8:35:41 AM
From: RetiredNowRespond to of 306849
 
Hi all,
we'll probably see a blowout jobs number tomorrow. However, read the article below to see what the chances are for a real jobs recovery. The short answer is zilch....

Blowout employment report expected

by Meteor Blades

dailykos.com

Wed Jun 02, 2010 at 12:48:04 PM PDT

The latest monthly job report from the Department of Labor comes out Friday. Given the heavy Census hiring, the report will probably be best we've seen in more than 10 years, maybe more than 20, recording as many 600,000 new jobs created. You have to go back to the Clinton administration to see a month even close to that. For comparison, last year at this time we clocked a loss of 387,000 jobs on top of even worse losses in the preceding eight months.

Unless a huge number of "missing workers" returned to the labor force in May, we'll also probably see a tenth of a point or two drop in the unemployment rate. So, Vice President Joe Biden will be right for at least one month.

But May's monthly numbers most likely will be the best job news for all of 2010 and 2011.

Why?

For one thing, some 400,000 of those new jobs we'll hear about Friday will be temporary Census jobs. Not to be sneezed at, of course. Welcome jobs to those who've got them. But this month, those same jobs will start going away. In May 2000, for instance, 348,000 people were hired for the Census. In June 2000, 225,000 of those jobs ended. By summer's end, almost all this year's Census hires will be looking for new employment. So when the job numbers come out on Friday, the ones to really look at will be how many people got hired by the private sector. It will not be surprising if those amount to 200,000 or more, a continuation of the trend that began picking up steam in February.

But the real test comes when the job-creation numbers for June and those that follow in the third quarter are released. We'll certainly see positive figures each month until year's end and beyond. But short of some miracle that persuades Congress to begin a new Works Progress Administration (or a Civilian Cleanup Corps for the Gulf of Mexico), we'll be totally dependent from here forward on private-sector hiring to put millions of out-of-work people back on the payroll. And, the general outlook – with some exceptions – is that this simply won't be enough to improve the situation in the next two years for the majority who have lost jobs.

Among the factors driving the situation are that the effects of the stimulus package passed 16 months ago will fade in the third and fourth quarters. Strapped state budgets from Oregon (a projected shortfall of $577 million) to New York (a projected shortfall of $9.2 billion) mean large numbers of layoffs of public employees, including teachers. Elizabeth McNichol and Nicholas Johnson at the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, in Washington, D.C., noted last week that:

The worst recession since the 1930s has caused the steepest decline in state tax receipts on record. As a result, even after making very deep spending cuts over the last two years, states continue to face large budget gaps. At least 46 states face or have faced shortfalls for the upcoming fiscal year (FY 2011, which will begin July 1 in most states). These come on top of the large shortfalls that 48 states faced in their current budgets (FY 2010). States will continue to struggle to find the revenue needed to support critical public services for a number of years, threatening hundreds of thousands of jobs.

The center’s Jon Shure puts a hard number on that, saying the overall effect may be about 900,000 jobs, "which is not a recipe for economic recovery — or for long-term improvement in the national deficit."

Newsweek reports:

Economists from the left-leaning Economic Policy Institute (EPI), the centrist Brookings Institution, and the conservative Heritage Foundation may not all agree on much, but they agree on this: unemployment, which currently hovers around 10 percent, is not coming down significantly between now and November's midterm elections.

"I'm not aware of labor-market economists who expect unemployment to drop significantly before the midterms," says James Sherk of the Heritage Foundation. "The average for the last generation has been around 5.5 percent or so, and it won't be anywhere near that."

"My best guess is unemployment will be in November exactly what it is now," concurs Josh Bivens of EPI, adding that the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office projects a yearlong average of 9.5 percent in 2011, and Goldman Sachs predicts higher unemployment in 2011 than in 2010.

As I said at the outset, that's not how everybody sees things. The Fed, for instance predicts a drop in the unemployment rate to 9.3 percent by the end of this year and 8.2 percent by the end of 2011. To get there, however, would require creating an average of 385,000 new jobs each month for the next seven months, and 323,000 for the 12 months after that, a total of 6.9 million jobs. When was the last time this was done in the past 50 years? Never.



To: benwood who wrote (251550)6/3/2010 9:37:42 AM
From: RetiredNowRespond to of 306849
 
Hi all,
here's the best reason I've ever heard why our country is going down the toilet. It's the old people. Hell, I'm 49, but I'm still pissed that the Baby Boomers have ratcheted up their Entitlements and the rest of us are paying through the nose for them. It's the Entitlements that are causing these massive budget deficits across the country. But if anyone ever suggests raising the retirement age or cutting Entitlements, all the grey heads go nuts.

We're in deep shit too, because all the folks that come after Baby Boomers aren't numerous enough to outvote the Baby Boomers, even if we were united in our goal of rolling back the profligacy of the Baby Boomers. Very frustrating.

This is the age of war between the generations
Never mind the credit crunch, it’s all those retiring baby-boomers who threaten us with national bankruptcy


timesonline.co.uk
Anatole Kaletsky

Yesterday was my 58th birthday. If I were a Greek worker I could retire. Although pension payments in Greece normally start around 61, special provisions allow anyone to retire at 58 if they have been in employment for 35 years. That, as it happens, is how long I have been at work. My index-linked pensions from the Greek Government would be worth 75 to 90 per cent of the average salary in the country, guaranteed for the rest of my life by the State.

If you want to know why Greece is going bankrupt and why the euro seems to be on the verge of disintegration, look no farther. The best argument I have ever heard for a break-up of the euro was this observation in a German newspaper: “The Greeks go on to the streets to protest against an increase of the pension age from 61 to 63. Does this mean that Germans should extend the working age from 67 to 69, so Greeks can enjoy their retirement?”

This, however, is not another article about self-indulgent Greeks and self-righteous Germans. The battle over bailouts in Europe is only a sideshow compared with the great social conflict that lies ahead all over the world in the next 20 years. This will not be a struggle between nations or social classes, but between generations — and it is a conflict that, in Britain, begins in earnest this year. The end of the Second World War in May 1945 marked the start of the baby boom, which lasted until the mid-1960s. Now, 65 years later, the corresponding retirement revolution is about to shake up our society, economy and political institutions.

If the word “revolution” sounds like an overstatement, consider the most important issue in British politics today — and then let me draw your attention to the most important book about this issue, written, as it happens, by a senior minister in the new Government. The issue is, of course, the unsustainable size of the public deficit. The book is called The Pinch by David Willetts, the Tory Minister for Universities, and its subtitle conveys his main message with his characteristic clarity and directness: “How the baby-boomers took their children’s future and why they should give it back.”

Mr Willetts shows how the overwhelming size of the baby boom generation, in comparison with the generations just before and after, allowed people born in the two decades after VE-Day not only to dominate culture, fashion and morality, but also to accumulate wealth, monopolise employment and housing and reduce social mobility for the next generation.

But strangely, however, nobody — least of all an active politician like Mr Willetts — seems to make the connection between long-term intergenerational tensions and the present controversies over public spending and taxes.

Why, for example, are governments everywhere running out of money, not just in Britain and Greece, but also in America, Germany, Japan and France? Why are taxes relentlessly rising in all advanced capitalist countries? And why is public spending being cut on schools, universities, science, defence, culture, environment and transport, while spending on health and pensions continues to rise?

The populist answer to these questions is that we are all about to pay for the greed of the bankers. But this is not true. According to IMF calculations, the credit crunch, bank bailouts and recession only account for 14 per cent of the expected increase in Britain’s public debt burden. The remaining 86 per cent of the long-term fiscal pressure is caused by the growth of public spending on health, pensions and long-term care. The credit crunch and recession did not create the present pressures on public borrowing and spending. They merely brought forward an age-related fiscal crisis that would have become inevitable, as by 2020 the majority of the baby-boomers will be retired.

The rational solution to this fiscal crisis would be for governments to reduce their spending on pensions, health and longterm care. Yet these are precisely the “entitlements” protected and ring-fenced by politicians, not just in Britain but also in America and many European countries, even as other government programmes are ruthlessly cut.

The politics of the next decade will be dominated by a battle over public spending and taxes between the generations. Young people will realise that different categories of public spending are in direct conflict — if they want more spending on schools, universities and environmental improvements they must vote for cuts in health and pensions.

Schools and universities are more important for a society’s future than pensions. Yet every democracy around the world has made the opposite judgment. While many politicians claim to be obsessed with education — recall Tony Blair’s three priorities were “education, education and education” — in reality they support health and pensions to the point of national bankruptcy, while squeezing universities. The same applies to the many fiscal benefits heaped on pensioners over the years. Is it, for example, better for society to offer free bus travel to wealthy 80-year olds rather than students or impoverished youngsters looking for their first job?

Why are such conflicts of interest between old and young never debated? Partly because of the myth that pensioners are “entitled” to their many benefits because they have “paid their dues” through national insurance and taxes. This is simply untrue. The true value of the average baby-boomer’s benefits is 118 per cent of the taxes they paid, according to Mr Willetts — and higher according to other calculations.

Second, and more importantly, the baby boomers are so numerous that no politician dares to campaign against their interests. Moreover, older people are more likely to vote. As a result democracies will increasingly be held hostage to the special interests of “grey panthers”, whose power will steadily grow as more baby-boomers retire.

Will politics therefore degenerate into a conflict between the dwindling number of voters with children, who care about education and the future, and the massive power of pensioners with shorter time horizons? Here is a modest proposal to avert this awful outcome. Since children under 18 are not allowed to vote, perhaps pensioners could be deprived of the right to vote after 75 or 80. An equally effective alternative would be to give mothers an extra vote for every child under voting age. Since no such reforms are ever likely, I look forward to the Greek Government being forced to sell the Parthenon — and to Oxford and Cambridge being turned into luxury old people’s homes.