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To: T L Comiskey who wrote (80908)6/4/2010 11:30:51 PM
From: Broken_Clock1 Recommendation  Respond to of 89467
 
Weekend Edition-Counterpunch
June 4 - 6, 2010

Deepwater Ken

Scapegoating Birnbaum, Saving Salazar

By PHILLIP DOE

Last week Secretary of Interior Ken Salazar threw an old friend of mine, Liz Birnbaum, from Obama’s creaky Hope-Express. For ten months she was the head of the Mineral Management Service. Not exactly a lifetime you say?

Well, according to Salazar, who has been on the job 16 months, that should have been enough time to clean up a dysfunctional agency that has been in the news repeatedly over recent years because of its habit of sleeping with the oil industry, both figuratively and physically--the same industry it was established to baby sit after being spun off from the Bureau of Land Management, the mother agency which was also criticized for being unable to fully protect the public from the all-powerful oil drilling fraternity.

Despite what is reported in the press, and megaphoned by the headline seeking, platitude prone Salazar, MMS is not uniquely dysfunctional among Interior agencies, for none of the other regulatory agencies within Interior have ever received awards for protecting the public interest either. The BLM is notorious throughout the west for being owned by the ranching industry. The Bureau of Reclamation has always been the captive of the water buffaloes, as a library of books like Cadillac Desert and Rivers of Empire demonstrate. Plus, I’d lay good money that more than one bureaucrat from the upper reaches of these agencies has spent less than an innocent evening with those they were supposed to be giving the bad news to, and that they’ve done it recently and repeatedly.

Good reasons abound. All three constitute a daisy chain of aligned interests: the agencies get congressional funding for being compliant, the congressmen and senators get campaign money from the regulated for being friendly, and the regulated get pretty much what they want as long as they don’t overreach. The overreaching at MMS during the Bush administration was one of those moments, and it provided a precious opportunity for Salazar, with his hometown newspaper, The Denver Post, acting as front man, to come out west, cowboy hat on pate, bolo tie on neck, cowboy boots on feet, and oversized belt buckle over navel to announce to a great and hushed audience that he was the “new sheriff in town.” Salazar’s Wyatt Earp moment played well on the editorial page of The Denver Post, which has always said that Salazar is just right for Colorado, while other more discerning voices have muttered nervously that he seemed better suited for the role of Grand Marshal at Cheyenne Frontier Days. The Post’s never varying assessment is code, meaning that Salazar is just right for The Denver Post and its shameless Chamber of Commerce boosterism. He still is.

Unfortunately for the nation, and Salazar, the largest environmental disaster in the country’s history took place on his watch. Still, Deepwater is not his fault, but neither is it Birnbaum’s, nor Obama’s. The tragedy is that Obama has not moved forcefully to permanently close down deep-ocean drilling as too risky, with too many potentially disastrous unknowns to be even remotely necessary or economic. (A word of warning to environmental types who argue that had environmental documentation been faithfully carried out on every well head, this tragedy could have been averted. Take off your bespattered blinders! NEPA, the law requiring environmental consideration in federal decision making, has rarely stopped big projects and has never stopped one when really big money, accompanied by the irresistible drum beat of more, more, more, has been called upon to drown out the voices of the people and common sense. NEPA would have to be strengthened mightily for it to stop Washington from making campaign decisions rather than common-good decisions. )

The greater tragedy is that the oil spill has killed people and a huge swath of the Gulf’s environment, ruined countless lives through lost jobs and incomes, and will continue to wash its aftermath over people and the environment for decades to come.

The greatest tragedy of all is that similar disasters will inevitably reoccur if we don’t change. The chances of reasoned change seem remote and certainly not something to believe in.

As for Salazar, he has shown himself to be just another contemptible politician by making Birnbaum the scapegoat for Deepwater. The desperation in his wager is shown by the fact that he presented a new organizational chart for MMS the day after meeting with Obama for two hours about Deepwater. His intention, announced at a press conference the next morning, where he also announced Birnbaum’s resignation, is to divide the MMS into three agencies. This comes pretty close to management by press conference. It is palpably idiotic, being nothing more than the midnight spawn of a desperate politician. The result surely will be more dysfunction, more hierarchy and grade creep, and less transparency, for the left hand will seldom know what the other two hands are doing. Moreover, the MMS does not make energy policy, the real culprit in this drama. Washington does, or should.

Illustrative of how much Salazar has depended on carefully managed press for his climb up the greasy pole--Disraeli’s term to describe the comedy of political aspiration--an organization calling itself Sportsmen for Responsible Energy Development took out a half page ad in The Denver Post just two days after Salazar had accepted Birnbaum’s resignation and announced his new controls over MMS. This is the minimum time it would take to get something to the paper in the form of a quasi press release.

In the ad, Salazar is shown facing a sepia toned Teddy Roosevelt. Salazar is in living color, quaffed in the cowboy hat and bolo tie, which he has left on the bedroom floor since the Deep-Water disaster, probably on advice from the White House. The bold headline declares Teddy and Ken to be “Two of a Kind.” The print is necessarily skimpy, inversely proportional to the outrageousness of the claim perhaps. Here is most of it.

“No one has a better opportunity to continue Theodore Roosevelt’s legacy than Interior Secretary Ken Salazar. His common-sense oil and gas leasing reforms will help conserve our public land and places where families have hunted and fished for generations.

Secretary Salazar, thanks for protecting our outdoor heritage for our children and grandchildren. We think T.R. would be proud. “

Holy Toledo, can canonization or the White House be far behind? I couldn’t find out much about the sponsors of this ad. Their web page doesn’t disclose who is on their board of directors. They appear to be primarily a front organization for corporations in the recreation industry. But Trout Unlimited and the National Wildlife Federation are also listed as admirers. The sheer chutzpah of the claim makes it Colbert Report material. The timing makes it clear that friends of the “new sheriff in town” are pulling out all the stops to keep their man atop the greasy pole.

So what of the real Salazar, the presumed environmentalist selected by Obama to head the Department controlling much of the nation’s land and water resources? How does he stack up? How does he compare to the summarily cashiered Birnbaum? Not very well I’d say.

I know Birnbaum to be intelligent, sane, and honest. Her bone fides include editor of the Harvard Environmental Law Review and legal counsel for American Rivers. American Rivers had listed the Animas River in Colorado as among the world’s most endangered rivers because of the Animas-La Plata (ALP) project. She co-authored a paper while working for the House Natural Resources Committee entitled “Taking from the Taxpayers,” which highlighted the outrageous subsidies tied to federal natural resource development, chief among them is western water development.

Salazar, on the other hand, has been a lifelong champion of federal farm and water programs. When he ran for the senate, he often said he was going to be the senator for farm and ranch interests even though Colorado is among the most urbanized states in the union. Colorado may be naturally splendorous, but it takes a hell of a lot of handouts at both the federal and state level to keep the big boys in pickups. His brother, Congressman John Salazar, received $175,000 in farm subsidies for running the family ranch, this in addition to his upfront congressional salary of $174,000, plus benefits. He stopped taking them in 2007. He was elected to Congress in 2004. Other family members have been blessed with smaller farm subsidy checks floating in from the Treasury as well.

In Colorado, Ken Salazar has been an outspoken, lifelong supporter of ALP, the project American Rivers saw as threatening a river. He supported it while Colorado Governor Roy Romer’s chief legal advisor and head of the Department of Natural Resources, then as Colorado Attorney General, then as U.S. Senator, and now as head of Interior. He even used ALP to help propel himself into the senate seat through the spectacle of publicly kissing the ring of the lawyer who was the project godfather, of course with an adoring and uncritical press in tow. On that occasion he declared with great humility that everything he knew about western water law he learned at the knee of the godfather. I’m not kidding.

As for ALP, it is a shocker of a water project, even by western pork barrel standards. It has no uses, just some laughable nonbinding scenarios for uses published in the project’s final EIS, of which 5 were written as due diligence smoke screens for this monument to mindless federal pork. The construction costs of the project are over $600 million already, with hundreds of million more needed to move even a small portion of the water to any conceivable point of use since, at present, only a reservoir perched on a hillside exists with a complement of energy guzzling pumps needed to lift the water 500 feet from the river to the reservoir. Billions more in interest payments will ultimately be added to the fiscal insanity since the public pays for all but a sliver of the costs.

The reservoir is fittingly named for Salazar’s predecessor in the senate, Ben Nighthorse Campbell. He resigned from the Senate while under felony investigation for influence peddling, thus opening the way for Salazar’s relentless climb.

As for project funding and repayment, it was such a dog that Congress had to suspend federal law regarding the cost sharing obligations of project beneficiaries; otherwise, it was DOA. The project backers couldn’t or wouldn’t pay. The public wasn’t asked, but they got the bill. At the forefront of these decisions and other indelicacies too numerous to mention was David Hayes, then Secretary of Interior Bruce Babbitt’s ALP chief negotiator, now, Ken Salazar’s Deputy at Interior and second in command. He also led the selection committee for political appointees to Interior for Obama’s transition team. The water world over which Salazar is the titular head gets ever smaller, for another principal in the ALP negotiations, Michael Connor, is now head of the Bureau of Reclamation. He too is a lawyer.

The latest in the sorry saga of ALP is that the state of Colorado passed a bill this last session to dedicate $12 million this fiscal year and in each of two years hence to buy water from ALP. The state has no use for the water, but somebody’s got to buy a little of the stuff stored in Nighthorse just to maintain the appearance of rectitude; thus the state has been bamboozled into buying the water on speculation, and never mind that speculative buying and storing of water is expressly forbidden under state law. Claiming dire poverty, the state legislature earlier in the session had cut $260 million from education funding. It will have to cut more next year.

Bruce Whitehead, the legislator who spearheaded the legislative effort and leader of the bamboozling, is a former water district engineer who testified in court in support of the project. He is now a manager of one of the water organizations created to disperse ALP pork. The head of the state agency through which the money will flow, and collaborator-in-chief in the bamboozling, had been employed by the BOR. She, Jennifer Gimbel, is another lawyer and reputedly an acolyte of former Secretary of Interior Gale Norton through whom she found employment at BOR.

Whoa, is this change we can believe in or what?

Salazar was also heavily involved in Colorado’s largest modern environmental catastrophe, Summitville Mine. It seems that the Governor during this period, Roy Romer, had taken the mine’s equipment in lieu of a bond. Normally a surety bond is required by state law to protect against damages resulting from environmental accidents or mismanagement. But Romer claimed jobs were needed and took the alternate bonding route. The mine, a cyanide leach operation to recover gold, leaked cyanide and heavy metals into an adjoining stream, destroying, according to press reports, all life in 18 miles of mountain stream and threatening farming and ranching operations even further downstream. The mining equipment proved useless in recovering costs.

What advisory role Salazar may have played early on in this environmental disaster is unknown and shall probably forever remain so, but he was Romer’s legal adviser, then head of the state Department of Natural Resourses, and then Attorney General during this period. What is known is that Salazar announced to the press, with typical fanfare, when he became AG that he would personally take over negotiations with the mining company to recover costs for the state. He professed he was unafraid of billionaire mine owner Robert Friedman, known as Toxic Bob to his detractors.

In the end, EPA assumed management of Summitville as a Super Fund site, mitigating Romer’s dunderheaded deal making. Hundreds of million in costs were thus transferred from 3 million Coloradoans to 300 million Americans, saving Romer and Salazar considerable embarrassment and explaining. Oh, and Toxic Bob is still a billionaire, having managed to effectively pay none of the cleanup or damage costs.

So, Salazar’s environmental record is colored, a blushing red at best. Should he be fired for Deepwater? Of course not. He isn’t directly responsible. But a good case can be made that in firing Birnbaum for Deepwater, he has shown himself to be a career chasing scoundrel. His environmental record in Colorado is supportive of this assessment. In my book that is more than enough. Maybe Rahm Emmanuel can make a few phone calls and get him a gig as permanent Grand Marshal at Cheyenne Frontier Days. He’s already got the hat.

Admission: I was chair of a small grassroots organization that went to court over ALP. We sought the court’s aid in answering two questions project backers and Interior refused to answer. We wanted to know what the 120,000 acre feet of public water to be stored in Nighthorse Reservoir was to be used for, since beneficial use is the essential test in state law for granting a water right. We also asked why the 1970 Supreme Court decision telling the Ute Indians they were barred from making further claims against the United States was not controlling in ALP—the project backers had morphed ALP into a quasi Indian project as every other option to them was closed down or rejected.

We were held hostage in water court for 6 years while Interior continued to build the project. We never got an answer to our questions from a judge, Gregory Lyman, who after all those years was still trying to figure out what consumptive use meant, a fundamental measurement of water use. Our appeal to the state Supremes was rejected out of hand by rubber-stamping the opinion rendered by Lyman, the man who seemed flummoxed by basic water engineering terminology. But we did get one thing. We were hit with substantial court costs, which project backers knew we could not pay, thus ending our pursuit of the truth about ALP.

Phillip Doe lives in Colorado. He can be reached at: ptdoe@comcast.net



To: T L Comiskey who wrote (80908)6/4/2010 11:34:57 PM
From: Broken_Clock  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
Weekend Edition-Counterpunch
June 4 - 6, 2010

The Decline of Big Green, Part One

Shaky Foundations: Toxic Sources, Tainted Money

By JEFFREY ST. CLAIR

Back at the start of the 20th century, John D. Rockefeller remarked that "not even God himself can keep me from giving my money to the University of Chicago." The old bandit's investments duly paid off, with platoons of Chicago economists and jurists all hymning the free market and invoking the inexorable laws requiring that some be rich and many be poor.

Philanthropy and its purposes haven't changed much since Rockefeller millions were dispensed to winch the family name out of the mud, particularly after the Ludlow massacre when Rockefeller minions broke a strike by spraying with oil and then igniting tents filled with women and children.

Even before Ludlow, Rockefeller money was ladled out to the wildcatters in central Pennsylvania to absorb them into the many-tentacled Standard Oil Trust, with satisfactory results.

Nearly a century later, the environmental movement, supposedly big oil's implacable foe, found itself on the receiving end of about $50 million a year from three oil conglomerates, operating through front groups politely described as private foundations. According to an analysis of financial reports from the Clinton years, the top givers were were the Sun Oil Company (Sunoco) and Oryx Energy, which controlled vast holdings of natural gas in Arkansas and across the oil patch. The Pew family once entirely controlled both Sunoco and Oryx, maintained large holdings in both, and was, in fact, sued for insider trading by Oryx shareholders.

In 1948 the family set up the Pew Charitable Trust, based in Philadelphia, with an endowment totaling nearly $4 billion in the year 2000. In its early days the foundation (a collection of seven separate trusts) was vociferously rightwing, with money going to the John Birch Society, to Billy Graham and to population control, always a preoccupation of the rich.

The utility of buying the loyalty of liberals impressed itself on the impressed itself on the family rather late, in the 1980s. But since then they have more than made up for lost time. By the beginning of the second Clinton term, the Pew Charitable Trusts represented one of the largest donors to the environmental movement, with about $250 million a year invested.

During Clintontime, the Pew environmental sector was headed by Joshua Reichert. Reichert and his subordinates, Tom Wathen and John Gilroy, not only allocated money to individual Pew projects, such as the Endangered Species Coalition, but they also helped direct the donations of other foundations mustered in the Environmental Grantmakers' Association.

Pew rarely went it alone. It preferred to work in coalitions with those other foundations, which meant almost no radical opposition to their cautious environmental policies can get any money. There were some notable foundations that objected to Pew's leveraged buyouts of environmental campaigns, notably the Levinson, Patagonia and Turner Foundations.

Still, Pew was the sort of Trust that John D. would have understood and admired.

But this did not tell the full story of coercion through money. One of the conditions attached to the receipt of Pew grant money was that attention be focused on government actions. Corporate wrongdoers were not to be pursued. With Pew money rolling their way, the environmental opposition became muted, judicious and finally disappeared. As long-time New Mexico environmentalist Sam Hitt put it: "Pew comes into a region like a Death Star, creating organizations that are all hype and no substance, run by those whose primary aim is merely to maintain access to foundation funding."

Meanwhile, the endowed money held by these trusts was carefully invested in the very corporations that a vigorous environmental movement would be adamantly opposing. An examination of Pew's portfolio in 1995 revealed that is money was invested in timber firms, mining companies, oil companies, arms manufacturers and chemical companies. The annual yield from these investments far exceeded the dispensations to environmental groups.

Take just one of the seven Pew trust funds: the Pew Memorial Trust. This enterprise made $205 million in "investment income" in 1993 from such stocks as Weyerhaeuser ($16 million), the mining concern Phelps-Dodge ($3.7 million), International Paper ($4.56 million) and Atlantic Richfield, which was pushing hard to open even more of the Arctic to oil drilling ($6.1 million). The annual income yield from rape-and-pillage companies accruing to Pew in this single trust was twice as large as it total grants, and six times as large as all of Pew's environmental dispensations that year (about $20 million in 1993).

Next of the big three in environmental funding was an oil company known as Cities Services, which endowed the W. Alton Jones Foundation, based in Charlottesville, Virginia. (In the merger frenzy of the 1980s, Cities was ultimately taken over by Occidental Petroleum, in a move that saved Ivan Boesky from financial ruin. It was later parceled off to the Southland Corporation, owners of Seven Eleven, then finally, in 1990, it was sold to Petroleos de Venezuela.)

In the crucial Clinton years, Alton Jones maintained an endowment of $220 million and in 1994 handed out $15.8 million in grants. According to the charity's charter, the purpose of the foundation was two-fold: preservation of biological diversity and elimination of the threat of nuclear war. Although Alton Jones doled out about $14 million a year to environmental causes during the Clinton years with the same engulf-and-neuter tactic of Pew, this apostle of peace maintained very large holdings in arms manufacturers, including Martin-Marietta ($3.26 million), Raytheon ($1.32 million), Boeing ($1.38 million), and GE ($1.4 million).

Alton Jones' portfolio was also enhanced by income from bonds floated by Charles Hurwitz's Scotia-Pacific Holdings Company, a subsidiary of Maxxam, which was at that very moment trying to cut down the Headwaters Grove, the largest patch of privately owned redwoods in the world. The charity’s annual statement to the Internal Revenue Service also disclosed a $1.4 million stake in Louisiana-Pacific, then the large purchaser of timber from publicly-owned federal forests. The company had been convicted of felony violations of federal environmental laws at its pulp mill in Ketchikan, Alaska, where L-P was butchering its way through the Tongass National Forest.

At the same time, Alton Jones maintained a position (just under $1 million in stock) in FMC, the big gold mining enterprise, who dousing of endangered salmon habitat in Idaho with cyanide at the Beartrack Mine was greased by Clinton’s Commerce Secretary Ron Brown. Picking up revenue from FMC’s salmon destruction with one hand, in 1993 the foundation gave about $600,000 with the other hand to supposedly protect salmon habitat in the same area. The grants went to the compliant and docile groups in the region, such as the Pacific Rivers Council.

At a crucial moment in January 1994, Pacific Rivers Council and the Wilderness Society--another recipient of W. Alton Jones cash—demanded that a federal judge suspend an injunction the groups had--to their great alarm—just won. The injunction had shut down FMC’s Beartrack Gold Mine, from which the company expected to make $300 million courtesy of the 1872 Mining Act, whose reform the Clinton administration carefully avoided. When the Wilderness Society’s attorneys asked Judge David Ezra to rescind the injunction, he was outraged but had no alternative but to comply. FMC’s stock promptly soared, yielding extra earning for Alton Jones’ holdings in the mining concern.

The last of the three big environmental foundations is the Rockefeller Family Fund. In the Clinton era, the RFF was run by ex-Naderite Donald Ross, who pulled down, according to IRS filings, $130,000 a year, plus another $23,000 in benefits. The relationship of the Family Fund to Rockefeller oil money scarcely needs stating. Though the Fund dispensed a relatively puny $2 million a year in grants, it exercises great influence by dint of the foundation’s leadership of the Environmental Grantmaker’s Association. The Fund also functioned as a kind of staff college for foundation executives. Pew’s John Gilroy and Tom Wathen both learned their trade under Ross’s tutelage.

In the 1980s, when the Multinational Monitor revealed that the ten largest foundations in America owned billions in stock of companies doing business in South Africa, Donald Ross lamented that many foundations “simply turn their portfolios over to a bank trust department or to outside managers and that’s the last they see of it.”

If the innuendo here was that conscientious foundations should keep an eye on their investments, Ross has some explaining to do. The Rockefeller Family Fund, in its 1993 IRS filing, held $3.5 million in oil and gas stocks, including Amerada Hess (one of the first companies to drill on Alaska’s North Slope and company convicted of price fixing), As an old Nader man, Ross should have presumably felt some embarrassment in the Fund’s extensive holdings in the Ten Worst Corporations, as listed by Multinational Monitor, a Nader operation.

The the Rockefeller Family Fund also maintained heft investments in mining companies, including ASARCO, an outfit with a distinctly noxious environmental rap sheet. Its activities have laid waste to western Montana, easily overwhelming the yelps of the Mineral Policy Center, which conducted a futile campaign against the company, partially funding by the RFF.

The Ross-run fund also invested money in FMC and Freeport-McMoRan, whose worldwide depredations were on the cutting edge not only of ecocide but--in Indonesia—of genocide as well. The Rockefeller Funds’ mineral and chemical companies holdings exceeded a million dollars in 1993.

In that same year, the RFF had a strong position in timber giant Weyerhaeuser, the largest private landowning company in North America. The potential for conflicts of interests endemic to all foundations with the ability to influence federal policy is sharply illustrated here. The Rockefeller Family Fund was one of the lead architects of the foundation-funded campaign to protect ancient forests on federal lands in the Pacific Northwest. Any reduction, actual or prospective, of timber available for logging on public lands drives up the value of privately-held timber tracts. The Fund was in a position to make a killing by buying Weyerhaeuser stock low and selling it high, before large-scale logging resumed on public lands.

The Family Fund was nicely covered because it also had holdings of $237,000 in Boise-Cascade, which at the time was the largest purchaser of federal timber sales in the Northwest. Indeed, in 1993 Boise-Cascade bought the rights to log the controversial Sugarloaf tract of 800-year-old Douglas fir trees in southern Oregon’s Siskiyou National Forest, courtesy of a released injunction engineered by a deal between the Clinton administration and environmental groups funded and closely supervised Ross’s organization. Ross also played a key role in the hiring of Democratic Party hack Bob Chlopak (another former Naderite) to oversee the conversion of a tough national grassroots movement to fight Clinton to the death over the permanent protection of old-growth forests into a supine national coalition that swiftly draped itself in the white flag of surrender.

Even after Donald Ross left the Rockefeller Family he continued to stride between two worlds. Ross formed a lobby / PR shop called M + R Strategic Services, where his clients, according to SourceWatch, included both environmental groups (the Nature Conservancy, NRDC, the National Wildlife Federation and Earth Justice) and environmental foundations (Hewlitt Foundation, Patagonia, Lazar Foundation, and Wilberforce—as well as the Rockefeller Family Fund). He didn’t forget the corporations either. In 2009, Ross became chairman of the board of a defanged GreenPeace.

All of these foundations had their bets nicely covered, both politically and financially. The once unruly grassroots green movement was brought under tight control through annual disbursements of funds, rewarded on the condition that these groups follow the dictates of the funders. At times this meant giving up hard-won legal injunctions. In other instances, it meant refraining from filing politically sensitive lawsuits to stop timber sales or gold mines and muting its public criticism of Democratic politicians.

With court injunctions lifted, there was only one way for environmentalists to confront illegal and ecologically destructive operations: civil disobedience. And that was a tactic the big foundations would never underwrite. Disobey these conditions and a group risked the annual renewal of its funding.

Precious few did.



To: T L Comiskey who wrote (80908)6/5/2010 1:23:17 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Disaster in the Amazon
_______________________________________________________________

By BOB HERBERT
Op-Ed Columnist
The New York Times
June 4, 2010

BP’s calamitous behavior in the Gulf of Mexico is the big oil story of the moment. But for many years, indigenous people from a formerly pristine region of the Amazon rainforest in Ecuador have been trying to get relief from an American company, Texaco (which later merged with Chevron), for what has been described as the largest oil-related environmental catastrophe ever.

“As horrible as the gulf spill has been, what happened in the Amazon was worse,” said Jonathan Abady, a New York lawyer who is part of the legal team that is suing Chevron on behalf of the rainforest inhabitants.

It has been a long and ugly legal fight and the outcome is uncertain. But what has happened in the rainforest is heartbreaking, although it has not gotten nearly the coverage that the BP spill has.

What’s not in dispute is that Texaco operated more than 300 oil wells for the better part of three decades in a vast swath of Ecuador’s northern Amazon region, just south of the border with Colombia. Much of that area has been horribly polluted. The lives and culture of the local inhabitants, who fished in the intricate waterways and cultivated the land as their ancestors had done for generations, have been upended in ways that have led to widespread misery.

Texaco came barreling into this delicate ancient landscape in the early 1960s with all the subtlety and grace of an invading army. And when it left in 1992, it left behind, according to the lawsuit, widespread toxic contamination that devastated the livelihoods and traditions of the local people, and took a severe toll on their physical well-being.

A brief filed by the plaintiffs said: “It deliberately dumped many billions of gallons of waste byproduct from oil drilling directly into the rivers and streams of the rainforest covering an area the size of Rhode Island. It gouged more than 900 unlined waste pits out of the jungle floor — pits which to this day leach toxic waste into soils and groundwater. It burned hundreds of millions of cubic feet of gas and waste oil into the atmosphere, poisoning the air and creating ‘black rain’ which inundated the area during tropical thunderstorms.”

The quest for oil is, by its nature, colossally destructive. And the giant oil companies, when left to their own devices, will treat even the most magnificent of nature’s wonders like a sewer. But the riches to be made are so vastly corrupting that governments refuse to impose the kinds of rigid oversight and safeguards that would mitigate the damage to the environment and its human and animal inhabitants.

Pick your venue. The families whose lives and culture are dependent upon the intricate web of waterways along the Gulf Coast of the United States are in a fix similar to that of the indigenous people zapped by nonstop oil spills and the oil-related pollution in the Ecuadorian rainforest. Each group is fearful about its future. Both have been treated contemptuously.

The oil companies don’t care. Shell can’t wait to begin drilling in the Arctic Ocean off the northern coast of Alaska, an area that would pose monumental problems for anyone trying to deal with a catastrophic spill. The companies pretend that the spills won’t happen. They always say that their drilling operations are safe. They said that before drilling off Santa Barbara, and in the rainforest in Ecuador, and in the Gulf of Mexico, and everywhere else they drill.

Their assurances mean nothing.

President Obama has suspended Shell’s Arctic drilling permits and has temporarily halted the so-called Arctic oil rush. What we’ve learned from the BP debacle in the gulf, and from the rainforest, and so many other places, is just how reckless and inept the oil companies can be when it comes to safeguarding life, limb and the environment.

They’re dangerous. They need the most stringent kind of oversight, and swift and severe sanctions for serious wrongdoing. At the same time, we need to be searching with a much, much greater sense of urgency for viable energy alternatives. Treating the Amazon and the gulf and the Arctic as if they were nothing more than toxic waste sites is an affront to the planet and all life-forms that inhabit it.

Chevron doesn’t believe it should be called to account for any of the sins Texaco may have committed in the Amazon. A spokesman told me that the allegations of environmental damage were wildly overstated and that even if Texaco had caused some pollution, it had cleaned it up and reached an agreement with the Ecuadorian government that precluded further liability.

The indigenous residents may be suffering (they’re in much worse shape than the people on the gulf coast) but the Chevron-Texaco crowd feels real good about itself. The big money was made, and the trash was left behind.