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Politics : American Presidential Politics and foreign affairs -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Peter Dierks who wrote (44833)8/12/2010 10:19:56 AM
From: Peter Dierks1 Recommendation  Respond to of 71588
 
Fairness and the Capital Tax Fetish
No serious economist thinks higher dividend and cap gains taxes are efficient ways to raise revenue. Why not limit deductions for high earners instead?
AUGUST 9, 2010.

By GLENN HUBBARD
Friday's weak employment report reminds us anew of the flagging U.S. economic recovery. While the Obama administration discusses additional stimulus packages, Treasury Secretary Tim Geithner is arguing that we should roll back key elements of the Bush tax cuts passed in 2001 and 2003. The administration is particularly skeptical about the benefits of today's lower rates on dividends and capital gains.

The tax on dividends, for example, is currently 15%, but it could increase to as high as 39.6% if the 2001 and 2003 tax cuts expire. On top of this, a new 3.8% tax on investment incomes for high-income earners begins in 2013 to help pay for ObamaCare. The administration's arguments for higher taxes on capital center on fairness and the need for deficit reduction.

These arguments are seriously mistaken. The relationship between investment, capital and wages is such that workers are better off if capital is not taxed at all.

Think of the economy as a pie split among workers, savers and the government, with the government's slice fixed. The savers' slice will equal the after-tax return on each unit of the capital stock, and what's left goes to workers as after-tax wages. The fairness advocates in effect claim that low tax rates on dividends and capital gains increase the share of the pie that goes to high-income savers. But the low tax rates increase the absolute size of the workers' slice by making the entire pie bigger. That's because low tax rates encourage capital accumulation, productivity and wage growth.

To understand how this works, it's worthwhile to return to President Bush's proposal, in January 2003, to substantially reduce the double taxation of corporate income by eliminating investor-level taxes on dividends. (The actual law reduced tax rates on dividends and capital gains to 15%.)

There are at least four channels through which Mr. Bush's tax reform (proposed and passed) raised the long-run productive capacity of the economy—that is, increased the size of the pie. First, since lower taxes mean higher returns to investors, those investors allocate more funds to corporate capital. Corporations can raise capital for investment more cheaply. As a result, the nation's capital stock and output increase.

Second, reducing or eliminating the differential tax treatment between corporate and noncorporate investments means that investment flows are not channeled artificially by tax considerations and the overall productivity of the economy increases.

Third, lowering or eliminating taxes on capital mitigates distortions in our financial structure. Prior to 2003, equity financing was disadvantaged relative to debt financing, with taxes levied twice, at the corporate level and again at the investor level. Because interest payments to debt holders are deductible at the corporate level, debt financing was taxed only once, at the investor level. This system contributed to over-reliance on debt financing. The 2003 tax cuts reduced this bias substantially. Nonfinancial companies went into the recent crisis with lower leverage as a result, a very good thing.

Fourth, low taxes on dividends encourage firms with few growth opportunities to distribute the funds to shareholders. Those shareholders could then reinvest funds in other, more innovative and productive ventures—another very good thing for economic efficiency and growth.

Putting together the effects of greater capital accumulation and improved capital allocation, I estimated at the Council of Economic Advisers that, despite slightly higher interest rates caused by an increase in government debt, the president's 2003 proposal would raise real GDP permanently by about $75 billion annually.

How do my predictions look in retrospect?

Recent research has highlighted the predicted effects of the dividend tax cut on the economy's efficiency in allocating capital. Raj Chetty of Harvard and Emmanuel Saez of Berkeley concluded in the American Economic Review that the 2003 tax cuts led to a large increase in dividend payouts, particularly for slow-growth firms, improving the efficiency of capital allocation and investment.

One can, of course, make the argument that we should put the whole tax system on the table to debate fundamental tax reform. I am all for that. But I know of no proposals by economists for fundamental income or consumption tax reform that do not include low or zero tax rates on dividends and capital gains. Indeed, "tax reform" centers on permanently lowering marginal tax rates while broadening the tax base to secure adequate revenues. Any reform plan that does not maintain or reduce marginal tax rates—permanently—is moving in the wrong direction.

If the Obama administration's goal were truly fairness, it could propose an increase in the average tax rate on higher-income earners without raising marginal rates—for example, by limiting deductions. Does the Treasury really believe that raising dividend and capital gains taxes addresses its fairness concerns at the lowest cost in terms of reduced economic activity?

Deficit reduction is a legitimate object of concern. But if this concern is the dominant one, I am aware of no serious analysis that would claim smaller costs to the economy—in lost output and foregone economic growth—of raising capital income taxes as opposed to increasing other taxes or limiting deductions or reducing federal spending.

If President Obama is interested in promoting growth now and in the future, he should commit to retaining the low tax rates Congress passed in 2003.

Mr. Hubbard, dean of Columbia Business School, was chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers.

online.wsj.com



To: Peter Dierks who wrote (44833)8/24/2010 11:12:15 PM
From: Peter Dierks  Respond to of 71588
 
The unkindest cuts
It’s not just ‘the rich’ — we all will pay more taxes if Congress fails to act this fall
By GERALD PRANTE

Last Updated: 2:42 PM, August 22, 2010
Posted: 12:23 AM, August 22, 2010

Perhaps the biggest issue going into the fall’s midterm elections is the elimination, extension or modification of the so-called Bush tax cuts. It affects our wallets, of course, but also our nation’s financial future, as government debt continues to expand to immense proportions While the argument is sometimes framed as tax cuts for the rich, the truth is if Congress does nothing before January, virtually all Americans’ paychecks would shrink.

The tax cuts passed under the Bush administration, mostly enacted in 2001 and 2003, substantially lowered what every taxpayer, poor and rich, owes each year. Among the dozen major tax changes, the single biggest provision was a new 10% bracket for the first several thousand dollars we earn, which benefited all taxpayers, including low-income households who also received bigger refundable credits. Middle-income households got marriage penalty relief, and when the per-child tax credit doubled from $500 to $1,000, they got most of the benefit.

High-income households got their full itemized deductions back and estate tax relief, and investors got a lower rate on capital gains and dividends. Across the board, the marginal tax rates on wages fell from 28%, 31%, 36% and 39.6% to 25%, 28%, 33%, and 35%. In short, virtually every American’s paycheck got bigger.

MORE: TAX CUTS -- A POLITICAL GAME OF CHICKEN

If the tax cuts were to fully expire, New Yorkers would be among the hardest hit, since their incomes are higher. For example, the average middle-income family in Carolyn Maloney’s congressional district (NY-14) would face income taxes that are $3,066 higher.

The tax cuts were all temporary because Republicans could not get enough Democratic votes to gain a 60-vote Senate majority. Without that supermajority, no bill can pass if it adds to the deficit for more than 10 years. Well, the 10 years have passed, and it’s a different world. Instead of budget surpluses on the horizon, a looming fiscal cliff is much closer than anyone would have thought possible. Extending the Bush tax cuts in full for another 10 years would add an estimated $3 trillion to the national debt. That is on top of the $8 trillion that is already set to be added to the debt under the president’s proposed budget for 2011-20.

Tax cuts from the Bush years aren’t the only tax laws set to expire on Dec. 31. President Obama’s stimulus bill included temporary tax credits for higher education, more refundable tax credits for low-income households, and a new “making work pay” tax credit worth $400 per worker — those are expiring, too.

So what can we expect Washington to do before Jan. 1?

There is a chance that Congress will take no action and allow all of the tax cuts to expire. Most experts were shocked in 2009 when Congress did nothing to stop a scheduled repeal of the estate tax, so a similar scenario could play out this fall. And full expiration has academic support from renowned economists Alan Blinder and Alan Greenspan, who say a commitment to fiscal responsibility is worth any short-term economic harm.

But that is not the Democrats’ plan. Instead, they propose extending about 80% of the Bush tax cuts. Only high-income taxpayers, defined as single people earning more than $200,000 and couples earning more than $250,000, will see their paychecks shrink in January. That threshold was set by then-candidate Obama on the 2008 campaign trail.



High-income people will lose many of their tax cuts under the Democrats’ plan: they’ll lose a large fraction of their itemized deductions including charitable gifts and mortgage interest. Their tax rate on qualified dividends and long-term capital gains will go from 15% to 20%, and the top two wage tax rates will return to 36% and 39.6% from their current levels of 33% and 35%. According to the administration, these restored higher tax levels would raise about $630 billion over 10 years, which is about only one-fifth of the $3 trillion price tag for making all the tax cuts permanent. In his budget, President Obama proposed cutting back further on the itemized deductions of high-income taxpayers, but Congress has ignored that idea for the second year in a row.

On the other end of the policy option spectrum is full extension of the tax cuts, which most Republicans favor. With a weak recovery faltering, they argue, higher tax rates on everyone would be disastrous, and even if limited to high-income people, the job-creating business sector would suffer. As for the benefit of deficit reduction cited by Blinder and Greenspan, Republicans scoff, predicting that government would just spend the additional revenue instead of paying down debt.

And the fate of the Bush tax cuts is not the only uncertainty. What will Congress do about the tax credits in the stimulus bill, worth about $70 billion per year? President Obama proposes extending all of them at least one year and some permanently. But when House Democrats recently publicized a tax plan officially scored by the Joint Committee on Taxation, none of the Obama stimulus credits were included.

Over the next four months, Congress will be making the first of what will be many major decisions over the next decade concerning the future of US fiscal policy. So when the champagne corks pop 130 days from now on New Year’s Day, what tax rates will each of us be paying?

Gerald Prante is senior economist at the Tax Foundation, a nonprofit, nonpartisan research and educational organization that monitors fiscal policy.

nypost.com



To: Peter Dierks who wrote (44833)8/27/2010 7:18:09 PM
From: TimF1 Recommendation  Respond to of 71588
 
The Left and its delusions

Posted by Michael Kennedy on August 23rd, 2010

Cross posted at my own blog.

I skim the Washington Monthly blog as a window on the thinking of the far left. They are more civil (except in comments) than the DailyKos but the mentality is the same. Today is a reasonable example. The topic is taxes.

Roll Call noted this morning that the Senate is moving towards “an epic election-year battle over Bush-era tax cuts.” That sounds about right.

The dispute helps capture exactly what the two parties prioritize right now — Dems want to keep lower rates for the middle class, while reducing the deficit by letting the rich go back to the rates they paid when the economy was healthy. Republicans want to hold the Dem proposal hostage, fighting tooth and nail for breaks for millionaires and billionaires, and adding $680 billion to the deficit the GOP pretended to care about for a while.


The “middle class” is a very elastic concept for them with the top income range going all the way down to $150,000 per year. Secondly, the group with incomes of $250,000 or more, the target class, consists of mainly small business people who are not incorporated and who file all income with a personal return.

chicagoboyz.net
There is also no concept here of who pays the taxes. Shouldn’t “tax cuts” be distributed to those who pay taxes ? Otherwise, it is just one more government handout to those who are nonproductive. Here is a look. The top 1% of income pays 40% of the income taxes. Hmmm That’s also about $410,000 per year, not $2 million.

The top 5% pays 60.63% of the income taxes. The threshold for the top 5% is $160,000. Well, what do you know ?

Billionaires need little help from Republicans but they do invest and are the source of most new jobs. The concern for “the deficit” on the part of Democrats may be translated as the left side of the entire argument about spending versus taxing. Republicans want to talk about cutting spending, especially tea party Republicans. I even have a compromise: Let the tax rates go back to the Clinton administration rates but let’s also go back to the number of government employees of the Clinton period.

[W]here would this $680 billion go? Nearly all of it would go to the richest 1 percent of Americans, people with incomes of more than $500,000 a year. But that’s the least of it: the policy center’s estimates say that the majority of the tax cuts would go to the richest one-tenth of 1 percent. Take a group of 1,000 randomly selected Americans, and pick the one with the highest income; he’s going to get the majority of that group’s tax break. And the average tax break for those lucky few — the poorest members of the group have annual incomes of more than $2 million, and the average member makes more than $7 million a year — would be $3 million over the course of the next decade. [...]

Notice how the “richest” become those with incomes over $2 million when we are talking about one aspect of the issue but, when it is time to actually impose the taxes, the incomes shrink back down to $250,000 or, in some cases, it shriveles all the way down to $150,000 per year.

Midwestern centrists such as Sens. Kent Conrad (D-N.D.) and Evan Bayh (D-Ind.) have called for an extension of all of Bush’s tax cuts, including those benefiting individuals earning more than $200,000 and families earning over $250,000 annually.

Other Democrats say they would consider raising taxes on individuals and families earning below those thresholds, despite President Obama’s promise that middle-class families would not see their taxes increase.

Some liberals balk at the notion that families earning $250,000 or more belong in the middle class.

“Two hundred and fifty thousand dollars? Is that the top 1 percent of Americans, or half a percent? Come on!” said Sen. Tom Harkin (D-Iowa).

Harkin said he would be willing to extend the tax cuts for families earning $150,000 or less annually.

See how elastic that number is ? Families with a combined income of $150,000 are “rich.” We went from $2 million per year to $150,000 per year just like that!

Or we’re told that it’s about helping the economy recover. But it’s hard to think of a less cost-effective way to help the economy than giving money to people who already have plenty, and aren’t likely to spend a windfall.

Did you notice that one ? Tax cuts “give” money to people who have “plenty.” Just keep repeating to yourself; it’s not your money. It’s the government’s money and they are “giving you some of it.” They used to call that “To each according to his needs.”

No, this has nothing to do with sound economic policy. Instead, as I said, it’s about a dysfunctional and corrupt political culture, in which Congress won’t take action to revive the economy, pleads poverty when it comes to protecting the jobs of schoolteachers and firefighters, but declares cost no object when it comes to sparing the already wealthy even the slightest financial inconvenience.

Once again, a translation. Schoolteachers “need” the money. Firefighters is just a cover. The “wealthy” (Those with over $150,000 per year income) don’t “need” the money.

Note, there is no concept of a private economy here. Nobody invests; nobody starts a business. The story of the 2001 tax cuts that Democrats want to repeal is here in more detail.

This is what socialism looks like in practice.

chicagoboyz.net