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Politics : American Presidential Politics and foreign affairs -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Peter Dierks who wrote (45985)9/18/2010 9:14:53 AM
From: Peter Dierks  Respond to of 71588
 
Still beatable
DioGuardi can best Gillibrand
By DICK MORRIS & EILEEN MCGANN
LastUpdated: 4:16 AM, September 16, 2010
Posted: 12:53 AM, September 16, 2010

Had Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand used her incumbency to good advantage, her victory this fall in the heavily Democrat state of New York would be a foregone conclusion. Instead, she squandered her opportunity -- remaining passive and on the sidelines while the Republicans fought for the right to oppose her.

The rules are different for appointed senators, like Gillibrand, than for incumbents who've won election to the job: They have yet to make that crucial first sale with the voters.

Indeed, they have yet to do most of the groundwork that leads to that sale -- like having voters know who you are.


Gilly: An unprincipled chameleon.
Gillibrand remains largely unknown to her constituents. She should have used this spring and summer to tell New Yorkers who she is and what are her plans in the Senate. Instead, she hoarded her funds and chose to say and do nothing.

So there is no true incumbent, just Gillibrand and GOP nominee Joseph DioGuardi competing for a vacancy.

DioGuardi brings real strengths to that competition -- while Gillibrand has weaknesses. For starters, she's reinvented herself again and again over the last two decades.

It started long before the flip-flops she announced in her first months in the Senate. The "delete" button on her computer must have worn thin as she has erased large segments of her past.

She now describes her self as having been a "public interest lawyer" in the 1990s. In fact, she represented Philip Morris -- assisting its CEO in covering up evidence that he knew of tobacco's addictive properties and that it caused cancer. Her job was to keep the company research records -- which proved beyond a doubt that corporate execs knew the addictive qualities of tobacco -- beyond the reach of American courts.

For years, she hid that role from her constituents. Then, when The New York Times printed the facts, she claimed that she had no choice but to represent tobacco since she was only an associate at her firm. In fact, the firm's policy was to let associates opt out of any case that offended their moral compass -- and she definitely didn't opt out.

In 1999, she became counsel to Housing and Urban Development Secretary Andrew Cuomo. Her job was to promote "new products" for the agency -- subprime mortgages for people who couldn't afford them. But once the mortgage meltdown began, she hit the "delete" key again -- expunging the item from her resume.

She also faces the problem that she profited from the crisis: Once the financial meltdown started, she and her husband shorted firms like Countrywide that specialized in subprime mortgages.

Bottom line: New Yorkers don't yet really know Gillibrand as "their" senator -- and they ought to know her as a chameleon who's shown no principle in her pursuit of profit.

Polls show her only barely above 50 percent before the Republican primary. Now, she is probably under 50 percent.

Joe DioGuardi, a committed conservative with a fine record in Congress, offers an alternative that voters will find attractive. He's hampered by limited name recognition, likely still in the mid 30s.

But once an incumbent is under 50 percent, she is very vulnerable, particularly with Gillibrand's record of support for every Obama big-spending scheme. And she stands for nothing in a year when voters are looking for sincerity.

If the national party and its New York adherents give

DioGuardi the money he deserves, he has a real shot.

nypost.com



To: Peter Dierks who wrote (45985)9/20/2010 3:32:27 PM
From: DuckTapeSunroof  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 71588
 
The Angry Rich

Op-Ed Columnist
By PAUL KRUGMAN
nytimes.com


Anger is sweeping America. True, this white-hot rage is a minority phenomenon, not something that characterizes most of our fellow citizens. But the angry minority is angry indeed, consisting of people who feel that things to which they are entitled are being taken away. And they’re out for revenge.

No, I’m not talking about the Tea Partiers. I’m talking about the rich.

These are terrible times for many people in this country. Poverty, especially acute poverty, has soared in the economic slump; millions of people have lost their homes. Young people can’t find jobs; laid-off 50-somethings fear that they’ll never work again.

Yet if you want to find real political rage — the kind of rage that makes people compare President Obama to Hitler, or accuse him of treason — you won’t find it among these suffering Americans. You’ll find it instead among the very privileged, people who don’t have to worry about losing their jobs, their homes, or their health insurance, but who are outraged, outraged, at the thought of paying modestly higher taxes.

The rage of the rich has been building ever since Mr. Obama took office. At first, however, it was largely confined to Wall Street. Thus when New York magazine published an article titled “The Wail Of the 1%,” it was talking about financial wheeler-dealers whose firms had been bailed out with taxpayer funds, but were furious at suggestions that the price of these bailouts should include temporary limits on bonuses. When the billionaire Stephen Schwarzman compared an Obama proposal to the Nazi invasion of Poland, the proposal in question would have closed a tax loophole that specifically benefits fund managers like him.

Now, however, as decision time looms for the fate of the Bush tax cuts — will top tax rates go back to Clinton-era levels? — the rage of the rich has broadened, and also in some ways changed its character.

For one thing, craziness has gone mainstream. It’s one thing when a billionaire rants at a dinner event. It’s another when Forbes magazine runs a cover story alleging that the president of the United States is deliberately trying to bring America down as part of his Kenyan, “anticolonialist” agenda, that “the U.S. is being ruled according to the dreams of a Luo tribesman of the 1950s.” When it comes to defending the interests of the rich, it seems, the normal rules of civilized (and rational) discourse no longer apply.

At the same time, self-pity among the privileged has become acceptable, even fashionable.

Tax-cut advocates used to pretend that they were mainly concerned about helping typical American families. Even tax breaks for the rich were justified in terms of trickle-down economics, the claim that lower taxes at the top would make the economy stronger for everyone.

These days, however, tax-cutters are hardly even trying to make the trickle-down case. Yes, Republicans are pushing the line that raising taxes at the top would hurt small businesses, but their hearts don’t really seem in it. Instead, it has become common to hear vehement denials that people making $400,000 or $500,000 a year are rich. I mean, look at the expenses of people in that income class — the property taxes they have to pay on their expensive houses, the cost of sending their kids to elite private schools, and so on. Why, they can barely make ends meet.

And among the undeniably rich, a belligerent sense of entitlement has taken hold: it’s their money, and they have the right to keep it. “Taxes are what we pay for civilized society,” said Oliver Wendell Holmes — but that was a long time ago.

The spectacle of high-income Americans, the world’s luckiest people, wallowing in self-pity and self-righteousness would be funny, except for one thing: they may well get their way. Never mind the $700 billion price tag for extending the high-end tax breaks: virtually all Republicans and some Democrats are rushing to the aid of the oppressed affluent.

You see, the rich are different from you and me: they have more influence. It’s partly a matter of campaign contributions, but it’s also a matter of social pressure, since politicians spend a lot of time hanging out with the wealthy. So when the rich face the prospect of paying an extra 3 or 4 percent of their income in taxes, politicians feel their pain — feel it much more acutely, it’s clear, than they feel the pain of families who are losing their jobs, their houses, and their hopes.

And when the tax fight is over, one way or another, you can be sure that the people currently defending the incomes of the elite will go back to demanding cuts in Social Security and aid to the unemployed. America must make hard choices, they’ll say; we all have to be willing to make sacrifices.

But when they say “we,” they mean “you.” Sacrifice is for the little people.