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To: bentway who wrote (590903)10/21/2010 11:46:24 AM
From: longnshort  Respond to of 1577146
 
LOUDER WITH CROWDER: EVIL RICH PEOPLE!

breitbart.tv



To: bentway who wrote (590903)10/21/2010 11:46:24 AM
From: longnshort  Respond to of 1577146
 
LOUDER WITH CROWDER: EVIL RICH PEOPLE!

breitbart.tv



To: bentway who wrote (590903)10/21/2010 12:24:05 PM
From: longnshort  Respond to of 1577146
 
Google 2.4% Rate Shows How $60 Billion Lost to Tax Loopholes
By Jesse Drucker - Oct 21, 2010 6:00 AM ET
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The Dublin subsidiary, which employs almost 2,000 people and sells advertising across Europe, the Middle East and Africa, has more than tripled its workforce since 2006 and is credited with almost 90 percent of Google’s overseas sales, which totaled $12.5 billion in 2008. Photographer: Paul McErlane/Bloomberg



Oct. 21 (Bloomberg) -- Google Inc. cut its taxes by $3.1 billion in the last three years using a technique that moves most of its foreign profits through Ireland and the Netherlands to Bermuda. Google’s income shifting helped reduce its overseas tax rate to 2.4 percent, the lowest of the top five U.S. technology companies by market capitalization. Bloomberg's Melissa Long reports. (Source: Bloomberg)

Google Inc. cut its taxes by $3.1 billion in the last three years using a technique that moves most of its foreign profits through Ireland and the Netherlands to Bermuda.

Google’s income shifting -- involving strategies known to lawyers as the “Double Irish” and the “Dutch Sandwich” -- helped reduce its overseas tax rate to 2.4 percent, the lowest of the top five U.S. technology companies by market capitalization, according to regulatory filings in six countries.

“It’s remarkable that Google’s effective rate is that low,” said Martin A. Sullivan, a tax economist who formerly worked for the U.S. Treasury Department. “We know this company operates throughout the world mostly in high-tax countries where the average corporate rate is well over 20 percent.”

The U.S. corporate income-tax rate is 35 percent. In the U.K., Google’s second-biggest market by revenue, it’s 28 percent.

Google, the owner of the world’s most popular search engine, uses a strategy that has gained favor among such companies as Facebook Inc. and Microsoft Corp. The method takes advantage of Irish tax law to legally shuttle profits into and out of subsidiaries there, largely escaping the country’s 12.5 percent income tax. (See an interactive graphic on Google’s tax strategy here.)

The earnings wind up in island havens that levy no corporate income taxes at all. Companies that use the Double Irish arrangement avoid taxes at home and abroad as the U.S. government struggles to close a projected $1.4 trillion budget gap and European Union countries face a collective projected deficit of 868 billion euros.

Countless Companies

Google, the third-largest U.S. technology company by market capitalization, hasn’t been accused of breaking tax laws. “Google’s practices are very similar to those at countless other global companies operating across a wide range of industries,” said Jane Penner, a spokeswoman for the Mountain View, California-based company. Penner declined to address the particulars of its tax strategies.

Facebook, the world’s biggest social network, is preparing a structure similar to Google’s that will send earnings from Ireland to the Cayman Islands, according to the company’s filings in Ireland and the Caymans and to a person familiar with its plans. A spokesman for the Palo Alto, California-based company declined to comment.

Transfer Pricing

The tactics of Google and Facebook depend on “transfer pricing,” paper transactions among corporate subsidiaries that allow for allocating income to tax havens while attributing expenses to higher-tax countries. Such income shifting costs the U.S. government as much as $60 billion in annual revenue, according to Kimberly A. Clausing, an economics professor at Reed College in Portland, Oregon.

U.S. Representative Dave Camp of Michigan, the ranking Republican on the House Ways and Means Committee, and other politicians say the 35 percent U.S. statutory rate is too high relative to foreign countries. International income-shifting, which helped cut Google’s overall effective tax rate to 22.2 percent last year, shows one way that loopholes undermine that top U.S. rate.

Two thousand U.S. companies paid a median effective cash rate of 28.3 percent in federal, state and foreign income taxes in a 2005 study by academics at the University of Michigan and the University of North Carolina. The combined national-local statutory rate is 34.4 percent in France, 30.2 percent in Germany and 39.5 percent in Japan, according to the Paris-based Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development.

The Double Irish

As a strategy for limiting taxes, the Double Irish method is “very common at the moment, particularly with companies with intellectual property,” said Richard Murphy, director of U.K.- based Tax Research LLP. Murphy, who has worked on similar transactions, estimates that hundreds of multinationals use some version of the method.

The high corporate tax rate in the U.S. motivates companies to move activities and related income to lower-tax countries, said Irving H. Plotkin, a senior managing director at PricewaterhouseCoopers LLP’s national tax practice in Boston. He delivered a presentation in Washington, D.C. this year titled “Transfer Pricing is Not a Four Letter Word.”

“A company’s obligation to its shareholders is to try to minimize its taxes and all costs, but to do so legally,” Plotkin said in an interview.

Boosting Earnings

Google’s transfer pricing contributed to international tax benefits that boosted its earnings by 26 percent last year, company filings show. Based on a rough analysis, if the company paid taxes at the 35 percent rate on all its earnings, its share price might be reduced by about $100, said Clayton Moran, an analyst at Benchmark Co. in Boca Raton, Florida. He recommends buying Google stock, which closed yesterday at $607.98.

The company, which tells employees “don’t be evil” in its code of conduct, has cut its effective tax rate abroad more than its peers in the technology sector: Apple Inc., the maker of the iPhone; Microsoft, the largest software company; International Business Machines Corp., the biggest computer-services provider; and Oracle Corp., the second-biggest software company. Those companies reported rates that ranged between 4.5 percent and 25.8 percent for 2007 through 2009.

Google is “flying a banner of doing no evil, and then they’re perpetrating evil under our noses,” said Abraham J. Briloff, a professor emeritus of accounting at Baruch College in New York who has examined Google’s tax disclosures.

“Who is it that paid for the underlying concept on which they built these billions of dollars of revenues?” Briloff said. “It was paid for by the United States citizenry.”

Taxpayer Funding

The U.S. National Science Foundation funded the mid-1990s research at Stanford University that helped lead to Google’s creation. Taxpayers also paid for a scholarship for the company’s cofounder, Sergey Brin, while he worked on that research. Google now has a stock market value of $194.2 billion.

Google’s annual reports from 2007 to 2009 ascribe a cumulative $3.1 billion tax savings to the “foreign rate differential.” Such entries typically describe how much tax U.S. companies save from profits earned overseas.

In February, the Obama administration proposed measures to curb shifting profits offshore, part of a package intended to raise $12 billion a year over the coming decade. While the key proposals largely haven’t advanced in Congress, the IRS said in April it would devote additional agents and lawyers to focus on five large transfer pricing arrangements.

Arm’s Length

Income shifting commonly begins when companies like Google sell or license the foreign rights to intellectual property developed in the U.S. to a subsidiary in a low-tax country. That means foreign profits based on the technology get attributed to the offshore unit, not the parent. Under U.S. tax rules, subsidiaries must pay “arm’s length” prices for the rights -- or the amount an unrelated company would.

Because the payments contribute to taxable income, the parent company has an incentive to set them as low as possible. Cutting the foreign subsidiary’s expenses effectively shifts profits overseas.

After three years of negotiations, Google received approval from the IRS in 2006 for its transfer pricing arrangement, according to filings with the Securities and Exchange Commission.

The IRS gave its consent in a secret pact known as an advanced pricing agreement. Google wouldn’t discuss the price set under the arrangement, which licensed the rights to its search and advertising technology and other intangible property for Europe, the Middle East and Africa to a unit called Google Ireland Holdings, according to a person familiar with the matter.

Dublin Office

That licensee in turn owns Google Ireland Limited, which employs almost 2,000 people in a silvery glass office building in central Dublin, a block from the city’s Grand Canal. The Dublin subsidiary sells advertising globally and was credited by Google with 88 percent of its $12.5 billion in non-U.S. sales in 2009.

Allocating the revenue to Ireland helps Google avoid income taxes in the U.S., where most of its technology was developed. The arrangement also reduces the company’s liabilities in relatively high-tax European countries where many of its customers are located.

The profits don’t stay with the Dublin subsidiary, which reported pretax income of less than 1 percent of sales in 2008, according to Irish records. That’s largely because it paid $5.4 billion in royalties to Google Ireland Holdings, which has its “effective centre of management” in Bermuda, according to company filings.

Law Firm Directors

This Bermuda-managed entity is owned by a pair of Google subsidiaries that list as their directors two attorneys and a manager at Conyers Dill & Pearman, a Hamilton, Bermuda law firm.

Tax planners call such an arrangement a Double Irish because it relies on two Irish companies. One pays royalties to use intellectual property, generating expenses that reduce Irish taxable income. The second collects the royalties in a tax haven like Bermuda, avoiding Irish taxes.

To steer clear of an Irish withholding tax, payments from Google’s Dublin unit don’t go directly to Bermuda. A brief detour to the Netherlands avoids that liability, because Irish tax law exempts certain royalties to companies in other EU- member nations. The fees first go to a Dutch unit, Google Netherlands Holdings B.V., which pays out about 99.8 percent of what it collects to the Bermuda entity, company filings show. The Amsterdam-based subsidiary lists no employees.

The Dutch Sandwich

Inserting the Netherlands stopover between two other units gives rise to the “Dutch Sandwich” nickname.

“The sandwich leaves no tax behind to taste,” said Murphy of Tax Research LLP.

Microsoft, based in Redmond, Washington, has also used a Double Irish structure, according to company filings overseas. Forest Laboratories Inc., maker of the antidepressant Lexapro, does as well, Bloomberg News reported in May. The New York-based drug manufacturer claims that most of its profits are earned overseas even though its sales are almost entirely in the U.S. Forest later disclosed that its transfer pricing was being audited by the IRS.

Since the 1960s, Ireland has pursued a strategy of offering tax incentives to attract multinationals. A lesser-appreciated aspect of Ireland’s appeal is that it allows companies to shift income out of the country with minimal tax consequences, said Jim Stewart, a senior lecturer in finance at Trinity College’s school of business in Dublin.

Getting Profits Out

“You accumulate profits within Ireland, but then you get them out of the country relatively easily,” Stewart said. “And you do it by using Bermuda.”

Eoin Dorgan, a spokesman for the Irish Department of Finance, declined to comment on Google’s strategies specifically. “Ireland always seeks to ensure that the profits charged in Ireland fully reflect the functions, assets and risks located here by multinational groups,” he said.

Once Google’s non-U.S. profits hit Bermuda, they become difficult to track. The subsidiary managed there changed its legal form of organization in 2006 to become a so-called unlimited liability company. Under Irish rules, that means it’s not required to disclose such financial information as income statements or balance sheets.

“Sticking an unlimited company in the group structure has become more common in Ireland, largely to prevent disclosure,” Stewart said.

Deferred Indefinitely

Technically, multinationals that shift profits overseas are deferring U.S. income taxes, not avoiding them permanently. The deferral lasts until companies decide to bring the earnings back to the U.S. In practice, they rarely repatriate significant portions, thus avoiding the taxes indefinitely, said Michelle Hanlon, an accounting professor at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.

U.S. policy makers, meanwhile, have taken halting steps to address concerns about transfer pricing. In 2009, the Treasury Department proposed levying taxes on certain payments between U.S. companies’ foreign subsidiaries.

Treasury officials, who estimated the policy change would raise $86.5 billion in new revenue over the next decade, dropped it after Congress and Treasury were lobbied by companies, including manufacturing and media conglomerate General Electric Co., health-product maker Johnson & Johnson and coffee giant Starbucks Corp., according to federal disclosures compiled by the non-profit Center for Responsive Politics.

Administration Concerned

While the administration “remains concerned” about potential abuses, officials decided “to defer consideration of how to reform those rules until they can be studied more broadly,” said Sandra Salstrom, a Treasury spokeswoman. The White House still proposes to tax excessive profits of offshore subsidiaries as a curb on income shifting, she said.

The rules for transfer pricing should be replaced with a system that allocates profits among countries the way most U.S. states with a corporate income tax do -- based on such aspects as sales or number of employees in each jurisdiction, said Reuven S. Avi-Yonah, director of the international tax program at the University of Michigan Law School.

“The system is broken and I think it needs to be scrapped,” said Avi-Yonah, also a special counsel at law firm Steptoe & Johnson LLP in Washington D.C. “Companies are getting away with murder.”

See additional stories about corporate tax avoidance:

To contact the reporter on this story: Jesse Drucker in New York at jdrucker4@bloomberg.net.

To contact the editor responsible for this story: Gary Putka at gputka@bloomberg.net.



To: bentway who wrote (590903)10/21/2010 12:27:05 PM
From: longnshort  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 1577146
 
President Bill Clinton Lost Nuclear Codes While in Office, New Book Claims
Former Chairman of Joint Chiefs Says Nuclear 'Biscuit' Went Missing for Months

Oct. 20, 2010
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When you're President of the United States, you can lose a vote, you can lose popular support, and you can lose a round of golf. But you're never, ever supposed to lose the biscuit.

That's what they call the card the president is meant to keep close at hand, bearing the codes that he has to have in order to launch a nuclear attack. And for several months during the Clinton administration, a former top military officer says they lost the biscuit.

Watch "World News with Diane Sawyer" for more on this story tonight on ABC.

Gen. Hugh Shelton, who served under Clinton as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, tells the story in his just-published memoir, "Without Hesitation: The Odyssey of an American Warrior."

Related
Timeline: Bill Clinton's Life and PresidencyWATCH: Bill Clinton Hospitalized for Heart IssueBill Clinton Out of Hospital, Prognosis 'Excellent'
"At one point during the Clinton administration," Shelton writes, "the codes were actually missing for months. [...] That's a big deal -- a gargantuan deal."

Similar Story Told By Air Force Man
Shelton claims the story has never been released before, but Ret. Air Force Lt. Col Robert Patterson told a very similar account in his own book, published seven years ago.

Patterson was one of the men who carried the football, and he says it was literally the morning after the Monica Lewinsky scandal broke that he made a routine request of the president to present the card so that he could swap it out for an updated version.

"He thought he just placed them upstairs," Patterson recalled. "We called upstairs, we started a search around the White House for the codes, and he finally confessed that he in fact misplaced them. He couldn't recall when he had last seen them."

abcnews.go.com



To: bentway who wrote (590903)10/21/2010 1:23:50 PM
From: tejek  Respond to of 1577146
 
Will 2010 be another 1994?

By Matthew Green - 10/20/10 09:41 AM ET

Some election-watchers have suggested similarities between this year’s midterm elections and those of 1994, when Republicans won big victories in Congress. For instance, both elections occurred (or will occur) after two years of unified Democratic control of government, under an increasingly unpopular president, and with motivated conservative voters. By implication, the 2010 midterms should, as in 1994, bring big victories for Republicans and put President Obama on the defensive.

But despite these common features, there are just too many differences between 1994 and now for the analogy to be very helpful for predicting the future. For one thing, Republicans are likely to win control of the House but not the Senate, whereas they won both chambers in 1994. (This itself will be unusual: Republicans haven’t won just the House since 1858.) But there are three other, more important differences that suggest what Congress may be like next year.

First, Republicans today are much more divided. The GOP had its differences in 1994, too; but after years of toiling in the minority, the party was willing to act in unity to exercise power they had long been without. Furthermore, because many House candidates had been recruited to run in 1994 by Newt Gingrich, they were happy to follow Gingrich as Speaker once they were elected.

By contrast, the GOP has been going through turmoil all year, with many conservative and independent-minded “Tea Party” candidates winning surprise primary victories. If enough conservative upstarts are elected, expect future headaches for party leaders in both chambers. As a result, even with their “Pledge to America” policy document, Republicans will likely have much more difficulty unifying around a legislative agenda in 2011 than they did in 1995.

Second, today’s top House Republican leader has a very different style and temperament than his 1994 counterpart had. Newt Gingrich was an aggressive and highly partisan Speaker who sometimes seemed more like a general in battle; by contrast, though John Boehner is certainly partisan, he is more inclined towards legislating, and is a far less polarizing figure, than Gingrich was.

Why might this matter? True, as Speaker, Boehner would face tremendous pressure from Republican conservatives to oppose, attack, and block Democratic initiatives. But Boehner also has the temperament and skill to build bipartisan coalitions on certain issues that could bypass more extreme conservatives in his own party – a strategy that Senate GOP leaders might also pursue successfully.

Third, unlike in 1994, the Supreme Court has made itself an important player in the election. Since the Court ruled in Citizens United v. FEC that unions and corporations could spend unlimited amounts in elections, campaign spending by non-party groups has been record-breaking: over $160 million so far, more than three times what was spent in 2002.

Democrats are already exploiting the decision by alleging that foreign money is going to Republican candidates, but don’t expect allegations of “dirty money” to vanish in November: Democrats will be tempted to question the independence of Republicans from corporate interests, if not the legitimacy of the elections themselves, and keep both the Court and campaign finance on the agenda for the 2012 elections.

So if 2010 isn’t like 1994, which election does it resemble? All elections are different in their own way, but each party can find at least one promising historical analogy. For Republicans, it’s the midterm elections of 1910, the last in which a minority party (Democrats) won the House but not the Senate. Democrats exploited their victory that year by using the chamber as an agenda-setting platform, passing popular measures that put Republicans on the defensive – a strategy that likely contributed to their takeover of the Senate and the White House two years later.

Democrats, by contrast, should hope that 2010 resembles 1946, the year when they lost majorities in Congress during President Truman’s first term. Despite their defeats, Democrats took advantage of divisions within the GOP and claimed Republicans were running a “do-nothing” Congress, managing to regain unified control of the federal government in 1948.

Regardless of which historical election ours best resembles, expect it to bring plenty of conflict, political maneuvering, and maybe some unexpected alliances – both within and between parties – in the 112th Congress.

Matthew Green is an assistant professor of politics at the Catholic University of America.

thehill.com



To: bentway who wrote (590903)10/21/2010 1:46:11 PM
From: tejek  Respond to of 1577146
 
This is interesting......Wadhams is the GOP state chairman of CO. The GOP candidate in the governor's race is Maes. Wadham has pulled his support for Maes, and instead is supporting Tacredo who is the Constitution Party candidate.

Now what makes this interesting and why there is so much focus on the ten percent number........is that in CO, if a major party can't get 10% of the vote, it becomes a fringe party and is relegated to the bottom of the ballot. That means it will have trouble raising money and will not be able to return to major party status for the next two elections.

Inspite of that factor, the GOP chair is giving up on his candidate. Its crazy, crazy stuff.

Dick Wadhams now believes Maes won’t pull 10 percent, praises Tancredo

By Lynn Bartels Denver Post Staff Writer Comments (12)

Dick Wadhams is definitely singing a different tune these days when it comes to whether Republican Dan Maes will receive less than 10 percent of the vote in the governor’s race.

read more.............

blogs.denverpost.com