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To: Brumar89 who wrote (298498)12/16/2010 7:51:39 PM
From: Broken_ClockRead Replies (2) | Respond to of 306849
 
Sweet! See what happens when a clown like Bush of his puppet master Cheney are allowed to sell the fascist Patriot Act to the sheeple? Other clowns will follow and we end up with body scanners and the demise of freedom.

Obama and Holder want to make any investigative journalism illegal.
salon.com
THURSDAY, DEC 16, 2010 09:17 ET
Getting to Assange through Manning
BY GLENN GREENWALD

AP
Bradley Manning and Julian Assange (l to r).
(updated below)

In The New York Times this morning, Charlie Savage describes the latest thinking from the DOJ about how to criminally prosecute WikiLeaks and Julian Assange. Federal investigators are "are looking for evidence of any collusion" between WikiLeaks and Bradley Manning -- "trying to find out whether Mr. Assange encouraged or even helped" the Army Private leak the documents -- and then "charge him as a conspirator in the leak, not just as a passive recipient of the documents who then published them." To achieve this, it is particularly important to "persuade Private Manning to testify against Mr. Assange." I want to make two points about this.

First, the Obama administration faces what it perceives to be a serious dilemma: it is -- as Savage writes -- "under intense pressure to make an example of [Assange] as a deterrent to further mass leaking," but nothing Assange or WikiLeaks has done actually violates the law. Moreover, as these Columbia Journalism School professors explain in opposing prosecutions, it is impossible to invent theories to indict them without simultaneously criminalizing much of investigative journalism. Thus, claiming that WikiLeaks does not merely receive and publish classified information, but rather actively seeks it and helps the leakers, is the DOJ's attempt to distinguish it from "traditional" journalism. As Savage writes, this theory would mean "the government would not have to confront awkward questions about why it is not also prosecuting traditional news organizations or investigative journalists who also disclose information the government says should be kept secret — including The New York Times."

But this distinction is totally illusory. Very rarely do investigative journalists merely act as passive recipients of classified information; secret government programs aren't typically reported because leaks just suddenly show up one day in the email box of a passive reporter. Journalists virtually always take affirmative steps to encourage its dissemination. They try to cajole leakers to turn over documents to verify their claims and consent to their publication. They call other sources to obtain confirmation and elaboration in the form of further leaks and documents. Jim Risen and Eric Lichtblau described how they granted anonymity to "nearly a dozen current and former officials" to induce them to reveal information about Bush's NSA eavesdropping program. Dana Priest contacted numerous "U.S. and foreign officials" to reveal the details of the CIA's "black site" program. Both stories won Pulitzer Prizes and entailed numerous, active steps to cajole sources to reveal classified information for publication.

In sum, investigative journalists routinely -- really, by definition -- do exactly that which the DOJ's new theory would seek to prove WikiLeaks did. To indict someone as a criminal "conspirator" in a leak on the ground that they took steps to encourage the disclosures would be to criminalize investigative journalism every bit as much as charging Assange with "espionage" for publishing classified information.

Second, Savage's story appears to shed substantial light on my story from yesterday about the repressive conditions under which Manning is being detained. The need to have Manning make incriminating statements against Assange -- to get him to claim that Assange actively, in advance, helped Manning access and leak these documents -- would be one obvious reason for subjecting Manning to such inhumane conditions: if you want to have better treatment, you must incriminate Assange. In The Huffington Post yesterday, Marcus Baram quoted Jeff Paterson, who runs Manning's legal defense fund, as saying that Manning has been extremely upset by the conditions of his detention but had not gone public about them in deference to his attorney's efforts to negotiate better treatment.

Whatever else is true, the DOJ seems intent on pressuring Manning to incriminate Assange. It would be bizarre indeed to make a deal with the leaking government employee in order to incriminate the non-government-employee who merely published the classified information. But that may very well at least partially explain (though obviously not remotely justify) why the Government is holding Manning under such repressive conditions: in order to "induce" him to say what they need him to say in order to indict WikiLeaks and Assange.

* * * * *

On MSNBC last night, Keith Olbermann did a segment on the conditions of Manning's incarceration, with FBI whistleblower Colleen Rowley. At least on its website, CBS News also reported on the story. And I was on Democracy Now this morning elaborating on my Manning article yesterday, as well as discussing Savage's article this morning and the imminent release of Assange from prison:





UPDATE: Several others make similar points about the DOJ's prosecution theory, including Yale Law Professor Jack Balkin ("the conspiracy theory also threatens traditional journalists as well"); former Bush OLC Chief and Harvard Law Professor Jack Goldsmith ("it would not distinguish the Times and scores of other media outlets in the many cases in which reporters successfully solicit and arrange to receive classified information and documents directly from government officials" and "would be a fateful step for traditional press freedoms in the United States"); Politico's Josh Gerstein ("Reporters seek classified information all the time in telephone conversations, in private meetings and other contexts" and thus "the distinction . . . strikes me as patently ridiculous"); and The American Prospect's Adam Serwer ("the slippery slope is only the slightest bit less steep" than charging Assange under the Espionage Act).

Indeed, Bob Woodward's whole purpose in life at this point is to cajole, pressure and even manipulate government officials to disclose classified information to him for him to publish in his books, which he routinely does. Does that make him a criminal "conspirator"? Under the DOJ's theory, it would. All of this underscores one unavoidable fact: there is no way to prosecute Assange and WikiLeaks without criminalizing journalism because WikiLeaks is engaged in pure journalistic acts: uncovering and publicizing the secret conduct of the world's most powerful factions. It is that conduct -- and not any supposed crime -- which explains why the DOJ is so desperate to prosecute.



To: Brumar89 who wrote (298498)12/16/2010 10:01:50 PM
From: joseffyRead Replies (1) | Respond to of 306849
 
He is actually a very tough guy.

Didn't he say in an interview that he was looking for "whose ass to kick" re the BP spill?



To: Brumar89 who wrote (298498)12/16/2010 10:19:47 PM
From: joseffyRead Replies (1) | Respond to of 306849
 
Are you familiar with this comment by British writer Oliver Herford?

I ALWAYS ENJOYING SEEING THEM; THEY MAKE SUCH A NICE COUPLE

BECAUSE HE IS ALWAYS SO LADYLIKE---

AND SHE IS ALWAYS SUCH A PERFECT GENTLEMAN.

Of course that was written long before the current president and 'first lady' were installed.

obamanationofdesolation.files.wordpress.com



To: Brumar89 who wrote (298498)12/17/2010 7:14:37 AM
From: joseffyRead Replies (1) | Respond to of 306849
 
Illegals suing the gov, expecting to be catered to, expecting laws are not supposed to apply to them, that they are safe from being held accountable from the laws they break,

Judge: Immigration agents not immune to legal action for Elm City raid
Friday, December 17, 2010 by Mary E. O’Leary, Register Topics Editor,
nhregister.com

BRIDGEPORT — A federal court judge Thursday dismissed the government’s argument that Immigration and Customs Enforcement officials are essentially immune from suits that claim their actions violated constitutional standards.

The ruling advances a civil rights suit brought by 11 suspected illegal immigrant picked up by ICE agents in June 2007 in the Fair Haven section of New Haven, and is expected to have national implications, according to the lawyers for the men.

U.S. District Court Judge Stefan Underhill refused to dismiss the charges against the ICE agents, as well as their supervisors, including Julie Myers, who headed the agency under President George W.Bush, and John Torres, director or acting director of ICE's Office of Detention and Removal Operations.

“The plaintiffs have alleged facts sufficient to indicate that defendents Julie Myers, John Torres, Bruce Chadbourne and Jim Martin had notice of constitutional violations under policies they created, implemented, or allowed to continue, and thus the motion to dismiss the Fourth Amendment claims against them is denied,” Underhill wrote.

“There is evidence to suggest that Myers and Torres should have been on notice of the unconstitutional practices of ICE officers,” Underhill ruled, referring to several lawsuits that preceded the Fair Haven raid.

As for Chadbourne and Martin, Underhill found that they are “potentially liable for creating a policy of conducting large-scale raids without adequately training raid officers.”

The suit was brought by student law interns and their supervisors at the Jerome N. Frank Legal Services Organization at the Yale Law School.

“This is an enormous victory for the plaintiffs. I think it’s the most sweeping decision holding the actions of ICE officials to the constitutional standards that other law enforcement officials are held to,” said Muneer Ahmad, clinical professor of law at the school.

The immigrants claim the raid, which took place over three days and involved 32 people, was the forseeable result of policies put in place by ICE officials, particularly Torres. The National Fugitive Operations Program originally was designed to arrest dangerous criminal fugitives.

In 2006, Torres instituted a quota system, approved by Myers, under which ICE agents were required to make 1,000 arrests per year. Torres later said at least half could come from “collateral” arrests, or the arrest of bystanders present as agents searched for fugitives.

The suit charges that the quota system “incentivized” the arrest of bystanders, and led agents to violate the immigrants' constitutional rights in order to meet that quota. It also claims that the one-time three-week training program for agents, was “grossly inadequate,” and that supervisors were aware of this.

Underhill also refused to dismiss Fifth Amendment equal protection claims, ruling the immigrants “have sufficiently alleged a discriminatory motive on the part of the defendants” and there is not sufficient evidence at this point to grant them qualified immunity.

The suit charges that the raid was planned and executed to punish New Haven for policies friendly to illegal immigrants. It took place shortly after the city Board of Aldermen voted to approve resident ID cards, which would allow illegal immigrants to obtain bank accounts. The suit alleges the purpose of the raids was to show that New Haven was not a safe haven for illegal immigrants.

Underhill dismissed some of the claims by lawyers for the immigrants, but upheld the major claims brought by the plaintiffs. “It’s a important decision against the government,” Ahmed said. “It wasn’t even a close call.”

Ahmad said at this point it is “quite possible” that Myers will be called to testify in the case. Ross Feinstein, spokesman for ICE, in an e-mail, said, “ICE does not comment on pending litigation.”

The immigrants claim that agents entered their homes without warrants or probable cause; that they were not informed of their rights; that they were coerced to sign documents in English with no or minimal translation; and they did not feel free to leave.

Underhill dismissed claims against supervisor George Sullivan and ICE personnel Stephen Riccardi and Edgar Vasquez. At this point in the proceedings, in answer to the government’s motion to dismiss the case, the claims against the agents have to be seen as “plausible,” as opposed to “probable.”

Underhill also ruled that the immigrants, who are seeking damages, are in the right jurisdiction, as this could not have been granted by the immigration courts.

Underhill made several references to rulings that federal officers cannot behave unconstitutionally in carrying out their duties.

“This is potentially a wakeup call to ICE,” Ahmad said. “This is a very important juncture in this case.” He said ICE’s claims of immunity in civil suits are unique and are not advanced by other law enforcement agencies, such as the IRS, ATF and the FBI.

In a separate case, ICE has not set a date for the deportation of Washington Colala, one of the defendants. Appeals on deportation of the remaining defendants are progressing through the courts.

The law school clinic is asking that ICE allow Colala to stay until he can testify in this civil action. Underhill has told the government that a jury will not look favorably on its actions, if it appears they are moving on deportation now to prevent his testimony, which prompted an immigration judge to suppress evidence ICE gathered against Colala’s housemate, who was also picked up in the raid.

...........................................................

Muneer I. Ahmad
Clinical Professor of Law

Muneer Ahmad is a Clinical Professor of Law at Yale Law School. A graduate of Harvard Law School and Harvard College, Professor Ahmad concentrates his teaching on immigration law and international human rights. He serves as an Advisory Board Member to the District of Columbia Community Legal Interpreter Project and as Board Vice-President for the Global Workers Justice Alliance.



To: Brumar89 who wrote (298498)12/17/2010 2:03:29 PM
From: joseffyRead Replies (1) | Respond to of 306849
 
Feds Force Okla. Bank To Remove Crosses, Bible Verse---
Federal Examiners Say Religious Decoration Inappropriate

December 16, 2010
koco.com

PERKINS, Okla. -- A small-town bank in Oklahoma said the Federal Reserve won’t let it keep religious signs and symbols on display.

Federal Reserve examiners come every four years to make sure banks are complying with a long list of regulations. The examiners came to Perkins last week. And the team from Kansas City deemed a Bible verse of the day, crosses on the teller’s counter and buttons that say "Merry Christmas, God With Us." were inappropriate. The Bible verse of the day on the bank's Internet site also had to be taken down.

“I don’t think there should be a problem with them displaying whatever religious symbols they want to display,” said Amy Weierman, a Perkins resident.

Specifically, the feds believed, the symbols violated the discouragement clause of Regulation B of the bank regulations. According to the clause, "...the use of words, symbols, models and other forms of communication ... express, imply or suggest a discriminatory preference or policy of exclusion."

The feds interpret that to mean, for example, a Jew or Muslin or atheist may be offended and believe they may be discriminated against at this bank. It is an appearance of discrimination.

But customers Eyewitness News 5 talked to said they aren’t buying it.

“This is just ridiculous,” said bank customer Jim Nyles. “This whole thing is just ridiculous. We all have regulatory bodies that govern us. But this is too much.”

“I think that’s absurd,” said Chelsi Holser, a bank customer. “I don’t agree with it at all. They are taking Christ out of Christmas and life.”

The bank is quietly fighting for a clearer interpretation of the clause. Officials have contacted their two U.S. legislators, Rep. Frank Lucas and Sen. Jim Inhoffe, and the Oklahoma Bankers Association to help.