Burp-up OBonehead ..."Obama: Drill, Brazil, Drill!"....
Maybe this is why hussein obama has a love affair with brazil??
Opposition to neoliberalism and Lula administrationIn the late 1980s, PCdoB supported the formation of a popular front to launch Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva's candidacy for President. Since then, it has been a member of all electoral coalitions led by the Workers' Party (PT) at the federal level. It has also been allied to the PT in most states and capitals.
PCdoB has registered a steadily increase in its number of seats in the National Congress since the 1986 elections, the first parliamentary elections which the party contested. It elected 3 deputies in 1986, 5 in 1990, 10 in 1994, 7 in 1998, 12 in 2002, 13 in 2006, and 15 in 2010. In 2000, PCdoB elected its first mayor, Luciana Santos (Olinda). On 2006, it elected its first Senator ever, Inácio Arruda (although the party considers Luís Carlos Prestes, from PC-SBIC, its first Senator). He was followed by Vanessa Grazziotin on 2010. Since 2001, the party is led by Renato Rabelo (a former member of the Popular Action guerrilla group), which succeeded João Amazonas, which had been a leader of the party since the late 1940s and died in the following year.
With the victory of Lula in 2002, PCdoB became part of the federal government, occupying the Ministry of Sports; first with Agnelo Queiroz and later with Orlando Silva. This was the first time ever that a Communist occupied a Ministry of the Brazilian state. PCdoB's influence over the federal government was expanded in 2004, with the appointment of deputy Aldo Rebelo as political coordinator for the government. The following year, he assumed the presidency of the Chamber of Deputies with the resignation of Severino Cavalcanti. On November 16, 2002, Aldo Rebelo took over the presidency for one day, making him the only Communist President of Brazil. PCdoB also managed to get some participation in the Senate for a brief period of time, when Senator Leomar Quintanilha (formerly a member of PMDB) switched parties.
Although critical of the economic policy of the Lula administration, PCdoB maintained its support to PT. On 2006, when Lula sought his re-election, the party formalized its participation in his alliance. That same year, PCdoB achieved its first municipal administration of a state capital when PT's Marcelo Déda resigned in order to run as Governor of Sergipe and Edvaldo Nogueira took office as mayor of Aracaju. At the end of 2007, its divergences with PT increases, and PCdoB abandoned the Central Única dos Trabalhadores (CUT) trade union organization and, along with the Brazilian Socialist Party and other independent sections of the union movement, it founded the Central of Male and Female Workers of Brazil (CTB).
On November 21–23, 2008, PCdoB hosted the 10th International Meeting of Communist and Workers Parties, which gathered 65 communist and labour parties from around the world, an event which had never been hosted in Latin America. That same year, it had its largest expansion on local representation, electing 40 mayors; some of them in big cities such as Aracaju, Olinda, Maranguape, and Juazeiro.
In 2005 Congress held its XI and recasts its status [1], among other innovations admitting for the first time the distinction between "affiliated" and "militant" - this was just the subsidiaries to help finance the party and party fulfills its obligations. This move is seen as a step toward the massification of the Communist Party of Brazil.
In 2009, the Twelfth Congress, PCdoB adopted a new Socialist Program [2], entitled Strengthening the Nation is the way, socialism is the way!, Which covers only the initial phase of transition to socialism, determining the collective party some issues for immediate action to medium term.
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Ideology
PCdoB responded to the collapse of real communism and of the Soviet Union better than most of the Western Communist parties.[1] PCdoB had established itself as an organization historically linked to the Marxist-Leninist tradition of the Communist International.[1] Its political and ideological identity was consolidated as opposing the so-called 1960s "revisionism", identified with the directions taken by the USSR after the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.[1] PCdoB then aligned itself with Maoism.[2] After the People's Republic of China began making economic reforms in 1979, PCdoB decided to aligned itself with the Socialist People's Republic of Albania, an example of consistency and fidelity to Marxism-Leninism in the opinion of its leaders.[1][2]
In the 1980s, the Soviet crisis was assessed by PCdoB as the result of the growing integration of the USSR to capitalism and the "social-imperialistic" policies applied by it; the Soviet regime was characterized as a kind of state capitalism.[1] In 1991, as the crisis has expanded over to Albania, PCdoB decided to reassess its theoretical formulations about revisionism, and became nonaligned.[1][2] In its 8th Congress in 1992, PCdoB innovated itself by criticizing the Bolshevik experience.[1] The party reaffirmed its adherence to Marxism-Leninism and socialism, taking a different path from several other Communist organizations throughout the world.[1]
During this process, PCdoB ranged from an approach that pointed to the class struggle as responsible for the fundamental changes that occurred in the Soviet regime, while on the other hand, it showed a economistic tendency, placing the problems of socialism around the development of productive forces.[1] To some extent, it has shifted from debating these fundamental issues, and when it did, it treated them marginally.[1] The party has been ever since marked by a growing institutionalization inside the political system.[1]
This can be perceived in a letter sent to the Communist Party USA on the occasion of its 29th National Convention in 2010.[3] In it, PCdoB demonstrates its concern over the Greek economic collapse and blames neoliberal policies for it.[3] The party lists its electoral goals for the 2010 general elections as being the "consolidation of Communist presence in the institutions", the "enlargement of influence on lower classes" and "maintaining the democratic and progressive forces at the head of the national government".[3]
PCdoB has been criticized by smaller left-wing parties for its alliance with the Workers' Party (PT). However, the party has continued on the left-wing field, even if it has embraced democratic socialism and shifted to center-left in the political spectrum to some extent. The Socialist People's Party (PPS), a dissidence of the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB), on the other hand, has embraced the right-wing opposition to the Lula administration, allying with them in the Brazil can do more coalition.
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