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Politics : The Obama - Clinton Disaster -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Big Black Swan who wrote (62801)12/27/2011 1:17:06 AM
From: joseffy  Respond to of 103300
 
Iraqi interpreters for U.S. military in dangerous limbo

Thousands were promised spots first in line for special visas to the U.S., but the process has slowed to a crawl. Now the Iraqis, targeted for death because of their service to America, can only wait.

By David Zucchino, Los Angeles Times December 26, 2011
latimes.com

Reporting from Baghdad—

He rarely leaves his house. He's been shot at by gunmen in a passing car. He gets death threats over the phone.

"Traitor," the callers say. "American agent."

Tariq, 27, is a quick-witted, tech-savvy Iraqi who tosses off idiomatic American English phrases such as "I'm outta here" and "That's cool."

When he served as an interpreter for the U.S. military, Tariq lived on a secure base, safe from fellow Iraqis determined to kill him because of his service to America. But when the unit he served pulled out of Iraq on Oct. 13, he was dismissed and escorted off the base.

The U.S. government promised Tariq and thousands of other former interpreters that they would be first in line for special visas to the United States. But with the pace of visa approvals having slowed to a crawl, that promise rings hollow for Tariq, who stays locked in his parents' home, working the phones and the Internet to track his application.

For the first time since his work as an interpreter ended, Tariq left his home one day this month and drove through Baghdad to meet a reporter. He brought along his brother, a tall, burly fellow who literally watched Tariq's back with each step. Tariq asked that his surname not be published.

"I served the Americans very well, but now they've left me on my own, with no security," he said in nearly flawless English. "They've expelled us all from the only places in Iraq that were safe for us — U.S. bases."

The visa process, always slow and cumbersome, has bogged down further since two Iraqi refugees were arrested in Kentucky in May on federal terrorism charges that included providing material support in the U.S. for Al Qaeda.

With empty hours to fill each day, Tariq has become an expert on U.S. immigration policy toward Iraq. He can quote legislation and recite testimony from congressional hearings and obscure federal documents.

Three words from U.S. legislation are imprinted on his brain: "special immigrant visa." The Refugee Crisis in Iraq Act, passed in 2008, provided fast-track status for Iraqis who had worked for the U.S. government or military.

The law authorized 5,000 special visas per year — 20,000 through 2011. But through October, just 3,415 had been issued to Iraqis, according to the Iraqi Refugee Assistance Project.

The State Department says 7,362 Iraqis who worked for the U.S. have received special visas over that period, but that total includes family members.

Through July, 62,500 Iraqis had applied through the special visa program, though many have given up and dropped out.

Applicants have been told to expect waits of at least eight months. Tariq applied two years ago, then filed an amended application in October 2010.

A U.S. Embassy official in Baghdad, speaking on condition he not be identified, acknowledged "unfortunate delays" in issuing special visas, the result of enhanced security clearance procedures, some instituted after the Kentucky arrests. But he said recent changes would speed the process.

The State Department's National Visa Center has been ordered to flag special visa applications for expedited action, the official said. And a requirement that Iraqi applicants provide an original signature on certain forms sent to the U.S. has been dropped after Iraqis complained of logistical difficulties.

"We are making changes, ordered at the very highest levels, that will help shave time off the application process," the official said.

In the meantime, thousands of former interpreters have been cast adrift, threatened by insurgents as they wait for the federal bureaucracy to act.

Interpreters provided vital support to American forces, offering valuable insights into Iraqi customs and tribal rivalries. They accompanied U.S. troops on combat patrols, braving the same roadside bombs and insurgent attacks. Many were killed in combat, or executed after leaving their military jobs.

Qasaim, 42, who served as a U.S. military interpreter for seven years, quit in May to deal with a family crisis: His 15-year-old daughter had been kidnapped by her middle-aged teacher and forced to marry him. When he contacted the U.S. Embassy about a visa application for his family, he said, he was instructed to bring his daughter in for an interview.

"I said: 'How can you ask me such a question? I don't even know where my daughter is,' " he recalled.

He fears his daughter is dead or has been taken out of Iraq. Qasaim said her kidnapper has called several times, saying, "Don't bother to look for her — you'll never find her."

Qasaim said threats have been made against him, his wife and seven children. His extended family is also marked for death; two of his brothers worked for the U.S. military and are seeking visas.

The U.S. Embassy finally agreed to forgo his daughter's interview and remove her from the family's application, Qasaim said. But consular officers will not say when or if the family will be able to immigrate to the U.S.

"All the embassy can tell me is that we have to wait our turn," Qasaim said.

Tariq said he has been told the same thing. He thought glowing letters of recommendation from U.S. military officers would clear his path to America.

An American colonel wrote: "In the performance of his duties, Tariq has received many death threats and murder attempts.... Tariq never faltered." The colonel mentioned that Tariq had passed stringent U.S. military security clearances.


An American lieutenant colonel wrote: "I would employ and/or work with Tariq any time, anywhere in the world." In an email to The Times, the officer, who insisted on anonymity, wrote: "He's a very smart young man … and is more well-read than most people I know."

Maj. Gen. Jeffrey Buchanan, the top spokesman for U.S. forces in Iraq, has worked with several Iraqi interpreters on his four tours in Iraq and said most "have been exceptional."

One of his best interpreters was captured by Al Qaeda militants, held for seven months and tortured. He was released after his family paid a ransom, Buchanan said.

Buchanan said he sympathizes with former interpreters who face death threats, and has tried to help a few obtain visas.

"If they want to come to the U.S., we should do all we can to help them," he said. "They make our country all that much better. They bring a richness, a diversity, and their patriotism is just incredible."

During his recent brief excursion out of his house, Tariq was guarded and edgy. His brother hovered at his shoulder, tensing at each passing car or pedestrian.

At his home, he feels like a prisoner. He watches American movies and TV shows, which he once used as a means of honing his English skills. To kill time, he tends a tiny garden of tomatoes, herbs and flowers.

He stays in touch with his fiancee. She lives in California with her mother, who once worked for the U.S. military in Iraq and eventually received a visa.

He calls the U.S. consular office regularly, only to be told that his application remains on "administrative hold." He posts queries to a chat room on the U.S. Embassy's Facebook page.

In one query, he asked: Is there light at the end of the tunnel for me?

The answer from the consular office suggested that if Tariq was unhappy with the process and wanted his application returned to him, the embassy would be glad to oblige.

Tariq let out a sharp laugh. "I guess I got my answer," he said.





To: Big Black Swan who wrote (62801)12/27/2011 1:56:21 AM
From: joseffy7 Recommendations  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 103300
 
A totally made up fake holiday created by an ex-con

...........................................................................................................................

For Immediate Release

December 26, 2011

Statement by the President and First Lady on Kwanzaa

whitehouse.gov

Michelle and I send our warmest wishes to all those celebrating Kwanzaa this holiday season. Today marks the beginning of the week-long celebration honoring African American heritage and culture through the seven principles of Kwanzaa -- unity, self determination, collective work and responsibility, cooperative economics, purpose, creativity, and faith.

We celebrate Kwanzaa at a time when many African Americans and all Americans reflect on our many blessings and memories over the past year and our aspirations for the year to come. And even as there is much to be thankful for, we know that there are still too many Americans going through enormous challenges and trying to make ends meet. But we also know that in the spirit of unity, or Umoja, we can overcome those challenges together.

As families across America and around the world light the red, black, and green candles of the Kinara this week, our family sends our well wishes and blessings for a happy and healthy new year.

The True History: Kwanzaa A Fake Holiday Concocted By Violent Felon And Black Supremacist – Obama Issues Statement Praising It December 26th, 2011

patdollard.com







The True Story Of Kwanzaa From Front Page Magazine:

On December 24, 1971, the New York Times ran one of the first of many articles on a new holiday designed to foster unity among African Americans. The holiday, called Kwanzaa, was applauded by a certain sixteen-year-old minister who explained that the feast would perform the valuable service of “de-whitizing” Christmas. The minister was a nobody at the time but he would later go on to become perhaps the premier race-baiter of the twentieth century. His name was Al Sharpton and he would later spawn the Tawana Brawley hoax and then incite anti-Jewish tensions in a 1995 incident that ended with the arson deaths of seven people.

Great minds think alike. The inventor of the holiday was one of the few black “leaders” in America even worse than Sharpton. But there was no mention in the Times article of this man or of the fact that at that very moment he was sitting in a California prison. And there was no mention of the curious fact that this purported benefactor of the black people had founded an organization that in its short history tortured and murdered blacks in ways of which the Ku Klux Klan could only fantasize.

It was in newspaper articles like that, repeated in papers all over the country, that the tradition of Kwanzaa began. It is a tradition not out of Africa but out of Orwell. Both history and language have been bent to serve a political goal. When that New York Times article appeared, Ron Karenga’s crimes were still recent events. If the reporter had bothered to do any research into the background of the Kwanzaa founder, he might have learned about Karenga’s trial earlier that year on charges of torturing two women who were members of US (United Slaves), a black nationalist cult he had founded.

A May 14, 1971, article in the Los Angeles Times described the testimony of one of them: “Deborah Jones, who once was given the Swahili title of an African queen, said she and Gail Davis were whipped with an electrical cord and beaten with a karate baton after being ordered to remove their clothes. She testified that a hot soldering iron was placed in Miss Davis’ mouth and placed against Miss Davis’ face and that one of her own big toes was tightened in a vise. Karenga, head of US, also put detergent and running hoses in their mouths, she said.”

Back then, it was relatively easy to get information on the trial. Now it’s almost impossible. It took me two days’ work to find articles about it. The Los Angeles Times seems to have been the only major newspaper that reported it and the stories were buried deep in the paper, which now is available only on microfilm. And the microfilm index doesn’t start until 1972, so it is almost impossible to find the three small articles that cover Karenga’s trial and conviction on charges of torture. That is fortunate for Karenga. The trial showed him to be not just brutal, but deranged. He and three members of his cult had tortured the women in an attempt to find some nonexistent “crystals” of poison. Karenga thought his enemies were out to get him.

And in another lucky break for Karenga, the trial transcript no longer exists. I filed a request for it with the Superior Court of Los Angeles. After a search, the court clerk could find no record of the trial. So the exact words of the black woman who had a hot soldering iron pressed against her face by the man who founded Kwanzaa are now lost to history. The only document the court clerk did find was particularly revealing, however. It was a transcript of Karenga’s sentencing hearing on Sept. 17, 1971.

A key issue was whether Karenga was sane. Judge Arthur L. Alarcon read from a psychiatrist’s report: “Since his admission here he has been isolated and has been exhibiting bizarre behavior, such as staring at the wall, talking to imaginary persons, claiming that he was attacked by dive-bombers and that his attorney was in the next cell. … During part of the interview he would look around as if reacting to hallucination and when the examiner walked away for a moment he began a conversation with a blanket located on his bed, stating that there was someone there and implying indirectly that the ‘someone’ was a woman imprisoned with him for some offense. This man now presents a picture which can be considered both paranoid and schizophrenic with hallucinations and elusions, inappropriate affect, disorganization, and impaired contact with the environment.”

The founder of Kwanzaa paranoid? It seems so. But as the old saying goes, just because you’re paranoid it doesn’t mean that someone isn’t out to get you.

ACCORDING TO COURT DOCUMENTS, Karenga’s real name is Ron N. Everett. In the ’60s, he awarded himself the title “maulana,” Swahili for “master teacher.” He was born on a poultry farm in Maryland, the fourteenth child of a Baptist minister. He came to California in the late 1950s to attend Los Angeles Community College. He moved on to UCLA, where he got a Master’s degree in political science and African Studies. By the mid-1960s, he had established himself as a leading “cultural nationalist.” That is a term that had some meaning in the ’60s, mainly as a way of distinguishing Karenga’s followers from the Black Panthers, who were conventional Marxists.

Another way of distinguishing might be to think of Karenga’s gang as the Crips and the Panthers as the bloods. Despite all their rhetoric about white people, they reserved their most vicious violence for each other. In 1969, the two groups squared off over the question of who would control the new Afro-American Studies Center at UCLA. According to a Los Angeles Times article, Karenga and his adherents backed one candidate, the Panthers another. Both groups took to carrying guns on campus, a situation that, remarkably, did not seem to bother the university administration. The Black Student Union, however, set up a coalition to try and bring peace between the Panthers and the group headed by the man whom the Times labeled “Ron Ndabezitha Everett-Karenga.”

On Jan. 17, 1969, about 150 students gathered in a lunchroom to discuss the situation. Two Panthers—admitted to UCLA like many of the black students as part of a federal program that put high-school dropouts into the school—apparently spent a good part of the meeting in verbal attacks against Karenga. This did not sit well with Karenga’s followers, many of whom had adopted the look of their leader, pseudo-African clothing and a shaved head.

In modern gang parlance, you might say Karenga was “dissed” by John Jerome Huggins, 23, and Alprentice “Bunchy” Carter, 26. After the meeting, the two Panthers were met in the hallway by two brothers who were members of US, George P. and Larry Joseph Stiner. The Stiners pulled pistols and shot the two Panthers dead. One of the Stiners took a bullet in the shoulder, apparently from a Panther’s gun.

There were other beatings and shooting in Los Angeles involving US, but by then the tradition of African nationalism had already taken hold—among whites. That tradition calls for any white person, whether a journalist, a college official, or a politician, to ignore the obvious flaws of the concept that blacks should have a separate culture. “The students here have handled themselves in an absolutely impeccable manner,” UCLA chancellor Charles E. Young told the L.A. Times. “They have been concerned. They haven’t argued who the director should be; they have been saying what kind of person he should be.” Young made those remarks after the shooting. And the university went ahead with its Afro-American Studies Program. Karenga, meanwhile, continued to build and strengthen US, a unique group that seems to have combined the elements of a street gang with those of a California cult. The members performed assaults and robberies but they also strictly followed the rules laid down in The Quotable Karenga, a book that laid out “The Path of Blackness.” “The sevenfold path of blackness is think black, talk black, act black, create black, buy black, vote black, and live black,” the book states.

In retrospect, it may be fortunate that the cult fell apart over the torture charges. Left to his own devices, Karenga might have orchestrated the type of mass suicide later pioneered by the People’s Temple and copied by the Heaven’s Gate cult. Instead, he apparently fell into deep paranoia shortly after the killings at UCLA. He began fearing that his followers were trying to have him killed. On May 9, 1970 he initiated the torture session that led to his imprisonment. Karenga himself will not comment on that incident and the victims cannot be located, so the sole remaining account is in the brief passage from the L.A. Times describing tortures inflicted by Karenga and his fellow defendants, Louis Smith and Luz Maria Tamayo:

“The victims said they were living at Karenga’s home when Karenga accused them of trying to kill him by placing ‘crystals’ in his food and water and in various areas of his house. When they denied it, allegedly they were beaten with an electrical cord and a hot soldering iron was put in Miss Davis’ mouth and against her face. Police were told that one of Miss Jones’ toes was placed in a small vise which then allegedly was tightened by one of the defendants. The following day Karenga allegedly told the women that ‘Vietnamese torture is nothing compared to what I know.’ Miss Tamayo reportedly put detergent in their mouths, Smith turned a water hose full force on their faces, and Karenga, holding a gun, threatened to shoot both of them.”

Karenga was convicted of two counts of felonious assault and one count of false imprisonment. He was sentenced on Sept. 17, 1971, to serve one to ten years in prison. A brief account of the sentencing ran in several newspapers the following day. That was apparently the last newspaper article to mention Karenga’s unfortunate habit of doing unspeakable things to black people. After that, the only coverage came from the hundreds of news accounts that depict him as the wonderful man who invented Kwanzaa.

LOOK AT ANY MAP OF THE WORLD and you will see that Ghana and Kenya are on opposite sides of the continent. This brings up an obvious question about Kwanzaa: Why did Karenga use Swahili words for his fictional African feast? American blacks are primarily descended from people who came from Ghana and other parts of West Africa. Kenya and Tanzania—where Swahili is spoken—are several thousand miles away, about as far from Ghana as Los Angeles is from New York. Yet in celebrating Kwanzaa, African-Americans are supposed to employ a vocabulary of such Swahili words as “kujichagulia” and “kuumba.” This makes about as much sense as having Irish-Americans celebrate St. Patrick’s Day by speaking Polish. One possible explanation is that Karenga was simply ignorant of African geography and history when he came up with Kwanzaa in 1966. That might explain why he would schedule a harvest festival near the solstice, a season when few fruits or vegetables are harvested anywhere. But a better explanation is that he simply has contempt for black people.

That does not seem a farfetched hypothesis. Despite all his rhetoric about white racism, I could find no record that he or his followers ever raised a hand in anger against a white person. In fact, Karenga had an excellent relationship with Los Angeles Mayor Sam Yorty in the ’60s and also met with then-Governor Ronald Reagan and other white politicians. But he and his gang were hell on blacks. And Karenga certainly seems to have had a low opinion of his fellow African-Americans. “People think it’s African, but it’s not,” he said about his holiday in an interview quoted in the Washington Post. “I came up with Kwanzaa because black people in this country wouldn’t celebrate it if they knew it was American. Also, I put it around Christmas because I knew that’s when a lot of bloods would be partying.” “Bloods” is a ’60s California slang term for black people.

That Post article appeared in 1978. Like other news articles from that era, it makes no mention of Karenga’s criminal past, which seems to have been forgotten the minute he got out of prison in 1975. Profiting from the absence of memory, he remade himself as Maulana Ron Karenga, went into academics, and by 1979 he was running the Black Studies Department at California State University in Long Beach.

This raises a question: Karenga had just ten years earlier proven himself capable of employing guns and bullets in his efforts to control hiring in the Black Studies Department at UCLA. So how did this ex-con, fresh out jail, get the job at Long Beach? Did he just send a résumé and wait by the phone? The officials at Long Beach State don’t like that type of question. I called the university and got a spokeswoman by the name of Toni Barone. She listened to my questions and put me on hold. Christmas music was playing, a nice touch under the circumstances. She told me to fax her my questions. I sent a list of questions that included the matter of whether Karenga had employed threats to get his job. I also asked just what sort of crimes would preclude a person from serving on the faculty there in Long Beach. And whether the university takes any security measures to ensure that Karenga doesn’t shoot any students. Barone faxed me back a reply stating that the university is pleased with Karenga’s performance and has no record of the procedures that led to his hiring. She ignored the question about how they protect students.

Actually, there is clear evidence that Karenga has reformed. In 1975, he dropped his cultural nationalist views and converted to Marxism. For anyone else, this would have been seen as an endorsement of radicalism, but for Karenga it was considered a sign that he had moderated his outlook. The ultimate irony is that now that Karenga is a Marxist, the capitalists have taken over his holiday. The seven principles of Kwanzaa include “collective work” and “cooperative economics,” but Kwanzaa is turning out to be as commercial as Christmas, generating millions in greeting-card sales alone. The purists are whining. “It’s clear that a number of major corporations have started to take notice and try to profit from Kwanzaa,” said a San Francisco State black studies professor named “Oba T’Shaka” in one news account. “That’s not good, with money comes corruption.” No, he’s wrong. With money comes kitsch. The L.A. Times reported a group was planning an “African Village Faire,” the pseudo-archaic spelling of “faire” nicely combining kitsch Africana with kitsch Americana.

With money also comes forgetfulness. As those warm Kwanzaa feelings are generated in a spirit of holiday cheer, those who celebrate this holiday do so in blissful ignorance of the sordid violence, paranoia, and mayhem that helped generate its birth some three decades ago in a section of America that has vanished down the memory hole.

End

Official Statement by Obama and Michelle on Kwanzaa Issued December 26, 2011:

Michelle and I send our warmest wishes to all those celebrating Kwanzaa this holiday season. Today marks the beginning of the week-long celebration honoring African American heritage and culture through the seven principles of Kwanzaa — unity, self determination, collective work and responsibility, cooperative economics, purpose, creativity, and faith.

We celebrate Kwanzaa at a time when many African Americans and all Americans reflect on our many blessings and memories over the past year and our aspirations for the year to come. And even as there is much to be thankful for, we know that there are still too many Americans going through enormous challenges and trying to make ends meet. But we also know that in the spirit of unity, or Umoja, we can overcome those challenges together.

As families across America and around the world light the red, black, and green candles of the Kinara this week, our family sends our well wishes and blessings for a happy and healthy new year.

·



To: Big Black Swan who wrote (62801)12/27/2011 7:07:06 AM
From: GROUND ZERO™1 Recommendation  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 103300
 
Exactly, it's all a feeble attempt to control the people and to tell them what and how to think, it's all just plain bullshit...

GZ