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To: FJB who wrote (49072)3/3/2012 10:19:29 PM
From: greatplains_guy  Respond to of 71588
 
The Anti Economic Growth President
Jim Powell
2/29/2012 @ 1:14PM

For several hundred years, a consensus developed in Western nations that economic growth – human progress – is a good thing. But now economic growth is under attack.

Economic growth has meant more jobs, higher incomes, more wealth and all the good things that become possible — a more comfortable life, better nutrition, better health care, more education, a cleaner environment, a secure retirement, a higher life expectancy and confidence that our children will be living even better.

In addition, when there is sustained progress, people gain greater peace of mind. They tend to become optimistic, more generous and tolerant. There’s more political stability, and democracies are more likely to flourish when, as John F. Kennedy famously remarked, “a rising tide lifts all boats.”

Yet President Obama has backed one anti-growth policy after another. His relentless class warfare rhetoric suggests he thinks growth is bad because some people have a lot more money than others. He might deny that he’s anti-growth, but his actions speak louder than words.

During 2008 election campaign, he acknowledged that he favored capital gains tax hikes, even though the results would be less investment, less job creation and less capital gains tax revenue.

He had to have known that by draining hundreds of billions of dollars away from the private sector, then channeling the bulk of the money to government bureaucracies and government employee unions, his stimulus bill would mainly “save or create” government jobs, not private sector jobs.

He had to have known that the following policies would increase cost of operating a business, making it harder to create private sector growth and jobs:

* Obamacare taxes and regulations

* The card check bill to promote compulsory unionism, if it had passed

* The cap & trade bill to increase energy costs, if it had passed

* Regulatory actions to implement provisions of card check and cap & trade, after those bills failed to make it through Congress

* The dramatically reduced number of oil & gas drilling permits issued

* The decision to block the Keystone XL pipeline

* The big tax hikes in his new proposed budget

Since Obama is a Columbia grad, a Harvard Law grad and a Nobel Prize winner, he’s clearly a smart guy who knows what he’s doing. It’s hard to avoid the conclusion that he has pursued these policies precisely because they’re anti-growth. One could counter that in particular circumstances the president might be justified, but making it harder for private sector employers to grow and hire people in every one of these cases marks him as the anti-growth president.

This is incredible, considering how long people suffered without any sustained material improvement in their lives. Living standards for ordinary people didn’t change much in ancient Egypt for some 3,000 years. “The relationship between the king and his subjects,” wrote historian Toby Wilkinson, “was based on coercion and fear…royal power was absolute, and life was cheap.” Historian J.P. Bury, referring to ancient Greece, reported that “No period in their history could be described as an age of optimism.”

As for Rome, Bury said: “There was no change in the condition of life likely to suggest a brighter view of human existence. With the loss of freedom, pessimism increased.” The prevailing view in medieval Europe was that whatever happened was the result of divine intervention. During the Renaissance, people looked back to ancient authors for wisdom. They believed life would never again be as good as it was in Greece and Rome.

But economies began to stir as individual property rights developed. England led the way. Magna Carta (1215) established the principle that property owners must be protected from arbitrary expropriation, which kings liked to do from time to time. This principle, intended to protect big landowners, was extended to everyone. England had active real estate markets at least as early as 1375. Small landowners engaged in sales, mortgages and leases. As the influential common law judge Edward Coke quipped, “the house of an Englishman is to him as his castle.” The English legal scholar Frederic Maitland reported that “A woman can hold land, make a will, make a contract, sue and be sued. She sues and is sued in person without the interposition of a guardian. A married woman will sometimes appear as her husband’s attorney.”

During the 17th century, mathematicians and scientists, beginning with the Frenchman René Descartes, began to rely more on reason and observation rather than on the authority of the ancients. There was a succession of remarkable discoveries, each one leading to more. Among the noteworthy inventions of this era: a submarine (by Cornelis Drebbe, 1620), a slide rule (by William Oughtred, 1624), a blood transfusion procedure (by Jean-Baptiste Denys, 1625), a steam turbine (by Giovanni Branca,1629), an adding machine (by Blaise Pascal, 1642), a barometer (by Evangelista Torricelli, 1644), an air pump (by Otto von Guericke, 1650), a reflecting telescope (by Isaac Newton, 1668), champagne (by Dom Pérignon, 1670), a pocket watch (by Christian Huygens, 1675), a universal joint (by Robert Hooke, 1676), a pressure cooker (by Denis Papin, 1679) and a steam pump (by Thomas Savery, 1698). All this suggested endless possibilities.

In 1750, the 23-year-old Frenchman Anne-Robert-Jacques Turgot became perhaps the first person to articulate the idea of progress. He gave a talk at the Sorbonne, titled “A Philosophical Review Of The Successive Advances Of The Human Mind.” He told how “manners are softened, the human mind is enlightened, and the total mass of human kind, through calm and upheaval, good fortune and bad, advances ever, though slowly, toward greater perfection.”

A key breakthrough in economic understanding came when the shy Scotsman Adam Smith wrote An Inquiry Into The Nature And Causes Of The Wealth Of Nations (1776). Until his time, the principal means of acquiring wealth were thought to be conquest and robbery. That’s a major reason why rulers were always starting wars.

Smith showed how people could create unlimited amounts of wealth peacefully. He developed an idea expressed by the French thinker Bernard Mandeville who, in 1714, had written The Fable of the Bees, or Private Vices, Public Benefits. The idea was that when people pursue their self-interest by trying to make a profit (a private vice), they must provide something other people consider useful and are willing to pay for (a public benefit). Peaceful trade takes place when each party voluntarily exchanges something they have for something they want more, and both parties benefit. Smith used the word “progress” many times throughout his great book. For example, he referred to “the natural progress of opulence,” “the progress of cities and towns” and “the progress of the greater part of Europe.”

Smith’s most famous lines: “[a typical investor] intends only his own security; and by directing that industry in such a manner as its produce may be of the greatest value, he intends only his own gain, and he is in this, as in many other cases, led by an invisible hand to promote an end which was no part of his intention. By pursuing his own interest he frequently promotes that of the society more effectually than when he really intends to promote it.”

Our Founders risked their lives, their fortunes and their sacred honor for liberty and all its blessings – not least, unlimited human progress. For instance, Benjamin Franklin, in a 1788 letter, wrote: “I have been long impressed with the improvements in philosophy, morals and even the conveniences of common living, by the invention and acquisition of new and useful utensils and instruments. Invention and improvement are prolific and beget more of their kind.” Thomas Jefferson added, “Where this progress will stop, no one can say.”

According to historian Robert Nisbet, “By the second half of the nineteenth century, the concept of progress had become almost as sacred to Americans of all classes as any formal religious precept…[the idea of progress] was grass-roots evangelism in America from one coast to the other.” This belief in human progress inspired millions of people to head west and settle new territory, build new businesses, serve new markets and create an opportunity society the likes of which the world had never seen.

To be sure, there were naysayers, like the English economist Thomas Malthus who feared that markets wouldn’t be able to produce enough food for growing populations. The French economist Frédéric Bastiat pointed out that “Here [in Paris] are a million human beings who would all die in a few days if supplies did not flow in… And yet all are sleeping peacefully without being disturbed…We put our faith in self interest and voluntary exchange.” The quickest way to end a famine, as the British free traders Richard Cobden and John Bright demonstrated dramatically after the 1845 failure of the Irish potato crop, is to abolish tariffs and other trade restrictions that make it difficult or impossible for people to buy food wherever supplies are available.

In England during the 19th century Industrial Revolution, aristocrats as well as socialists denounced entrepreneurs who created factory jobs and produced cheap goods for ordinary people. The claim was that living standards for factory workers were becoming worse and worse. But on the farms where most factory workers came from, labor was hard, it was tedious, and everybody was out in the fields from sun-up to sun-down. Children did plenty of farm work, too. Farm people continued migrating to factory towns, which suggested that despite all the drawbacks of factory work, those people believed it was a better option for them. In fact, for millions the alternative to factory work was starvation.

Competition spurred businesses to improve quality as well as drive down prices. For example, economic historian Joel Mokyr reported that “A typical textile product in 1830 was better in terms of the evenness of its fabric, its durability, its ability to absorb and maintain color, its ease of laundering, and so on. The same is true for a wide range of products, from iron pots to glass to steel pens to printed illustrations in books.” Overall, economic historian David Landes declared, markets produced “an enormous increase in the output and variety of goods and services, and this alone has changed man’s way of life more than anything since the discovery of fire.”

The most telling evidence about progress is life expectancy. For instance, the percentage of London-born children who survived at least to their fifth birthday more than doubled from about 25 percent in 1730-1749 to about 68 percent in 1810-1829. This was an era when there was child labor, and deadly infectious diseases were common. Overall, between 1760 and 1850, life expectancy went up.

Back then, many people didn’t understand how something as important as human progress could occur without government planning or control. But languages, markets, sciences and cultures developed spontaneously, without government planning or control. Many laws codified what had been customary practices that developed over a long period of time.

The British author Herbert Spencer – best-known for his writings about evolution (he coined the term “survival of the fittest”) — elaborated on the idea that human progress was a spontaneous phenomenon that arose within a framework of a rule of law and economic freedom including secure private property rights, freedom of contract, freedom of movement and freedom of trade. In Principles of Sociology, Spencer wrote that “The turning of wilderness into farm land, cleared, fenced and drained, has been achieved not by legislative direction but by men working for individual profit…villages, towns, cities, have grown up under the desires of men to satisfy their wants …the voluntary cooperation of citizens formed canals, railways, telegraphs, and other means of communication and distribution…science has resulted from individuals prompted not by the ruling agency but by their own inclinations…And supplementing these come the innumerable companies, associations, unions, societies, clubs, philanthropy, culture, art, amusement, all of them arising from the unforced cooperation of citizens without governmental help — sometimes in spite of governmental hindrances.”

Human progress began eons before there were modern welfare states, and it has continued up to the present wherever governments weren’t disrupting markets with taxation, regulation, expropriation or war. Economist Julian Simon noted that “In the nineteenth century, the planet Earth could sustain only one billion people. Ten thousand years ago, only 4 million could keep themselves alive. Now, more than 5 billion people are living longer and more healthily than ever before, on average.”

By contrast, it is during crises when economies stop growing or decline that multitudes become anxious, resentful and envious. Economic crises often spawn extremist political movements. In the United States during the Great Depression, Louisiana senator Huey Long developed a national following for his “Share the Wealth” class warfare campaign. During the 1940s, the Argentine demagogue Juan Péron gained power by appealing to the “descamisados” (“shirtless ones”). Adolf Hitler emerged as a political figure to reckon with during Germany’s runaway inflation of 1923, when he appealed to “starving billionaires” who had bundles of paper money worth less than a loaf of bread. Both Lenin in Russia and Mao in China seized power amidst economic as well as political chaos.

So, the stakes are high. If the anti-growth view prevails, we might find ourselves slipping into a new dark age. But if voters choose political leaders committed to economic growth, there could be a new boom ahead.

Jim Powell, a Senior Fellow at the Cato Institute, is the author of FDR’s Folly, Bully Boy, Wilson’s War, Greatest Emancipations, Gnomes of Tokyo, The Triumph of Liberty and other books.

forbes.com



To: FJB who wrote (49072)3/26/2012 3:17:10 AM
From: greatplains_guy1 Recommendation  Respond to of 71588
 
A Tale of Two Budgets
Paul Ryan draws the contrast Republicans will need this fall.
Apr 2, 2012, Vol. 17, No. 28 • By YUVAL LEVIN


Last spring, when House Republicans passed Budget Committee chairman Paul Ryan’s ambitious fiscal agenda, it would have been easy to make two basic guesses about the proposal’s lasting impact: On the one hand, it seemed that the budget’s focus on the immense scope of the fiscal calamity heading our way would put the deficit and debt at the center of our politics for the rest of Barack Obama’s term. But on the other hand, it looked like the Medicare proposal in the budget would be highly controversial and politically risky.

For a time, both predictions seemed to be confirmed by events. The Ryan budget forced President Obama essentially to retract the budget he had proposed two months earlier and replace it with a vague series of promises to address the deficit and debt. There followed several months of budget showdowns, with Republicans setting the agenda, even if they got only a small portion of the spending cuts they sought. Meanwhile, the Democrats were in full attack mode on Medicare, accusing Republicans of pushing old ladies off cliffs and asserting that the defense of “Medicare as we know it” would be the centerpiece of their own election platform.

As the year went on, however, both predictions turned out to be wrong. The case for saving Medicare (and with it the federal budget) from bankruptcy through consumer choice and competition quickly gained the status of Republican orthodoxy?—?with most of the party’s presidential candidates backing it, just about every congressional Republican voting for it, and almost no conservative commentators and pundits opposing it. And voters did not seem to hold it against Republicans, especially when contrasted with President Obama’s proposal to reduce Medicare spending by empowering the Independent Payment Advisory Board?—?a panel of 15 experts?—?to ration care. By November, the New York Times was reporting that the merits of a Ryan-style reform were getting a serious look beyond Republican ranks and “some Democrats say that?—?if carefully designed, with enough protections for beneficiaries?—?it might work.” In December, Democratic senator Ron Wyden of Oregon joined with Ryan to propose a bipartisan version of the idea.

But even as the notion of a market-oriented Medicare reform has taken hold, the intense focus on the country’s fiscal problems has dissipated. The Democrats seem to have realized that their political prospects depended on distracting the public from those problems, rather than on drawing attention to Republican attempts to solve them. So while budget politics dominated much of 2011, recent months have seen a shift of attention toward other subjects?—?especially the question of income inequality. President Obama has been flying around the country raging against millionaires with corporate jets, bands of upper-middle-class college graduates have been occupying public parks to complain about having to repay school loans, and Warren Buffett keeps pleading for a higher tax rate.

It has made for good theater, but it has been completely disconnected from the fiscal realities facing the federal government, and that is exactly how the administration wants it. All the drama has masked a stunning dereliction of the president’s basic duty to keep the government solvent and avert economic catastrophe.

Obama’s 2013 budget, released in February, fails even to propose any means of preventing the coming explosion of debt, and the president’s economic advisers have been remarkably frank about their lack of answers. In a February 16 hearing of the House Budget Committee, Treasury Secretary Tim Geithner was asked by Ryan to describe the administration’s plans for addressing the mounting risk of a debt crisis. “We’re not coming before you today to say we have a definitive solution to that long-term problem,” Geithner replied. “What we do know is we don’t like yours.”

A few months earlier, when Washington’s attention was focused squarely on the coming fiscal calamity, such a stunningly irresponsible statement would have made news. But this winter, it barely registered. It seems clear, therefore, that the challenge for Republicans the remainder of this year is to bring the nation’s foremost economic and fiscal challenges back into focus for the public, to highlight Obama’s failure of leadership, and to offer an alternative?—?a governing vision of their own.

And once again it is of all things a House budget resolution that offers them an opportunity to make their case. If the goal of last year’s Ryan budget was to unite Republicans around a few key reform proposals, the goal of this year’s Ryan budget?—?released on March 20?—?seems to be to highlight the utter failure of President Obama’s vision of government and to propose a plausible alternative.

Much of the agenda is the same, of course. Ryan would repeal Obamacare, spend $5 trillion less than the president plans to over the next decade, reduce the deficit by $3 trillion more than the president would over that period, reduce debt as a share of the economy within two years, modernize and strengthen the social safety net, and reform Medicare. But the particulars, and some of the ways in which this year’s budget differs from last year’s, make for a striking contrast with Obama’s dereliction?—?one that will serve Republicans well this election year.

First, President Obama seeks to gut the defense budget to procure temporary life support for a bloated welfare state. Military spending has not been a significant driver of the growth in government spending in recent decades. While federal spending increased from 18 percent of GDP in 1960 to 24 percent last year, defense spending declined in that period from 9 percent to less than 5 percent of GDP, according to the Office of Management and Budget. But in President Obama’s 2013 budget, defense spending is cut by $487 billion by 2021 while overall federal spending actually increases by $2 trillion over the coming decade. The Ryan proposal would provide level funding for defense?—?not increasing the budget, but also not slashing it by half a trillion dollars while expecting the military to defend America’s interests in a dangerous time and leaving the real causes of our budget crisis untouched.

Second, President Obama’s budget seeks to use the tax code to advance a populist election message, while the Ryan budget seeks to reform the tax code to spur economic growth. In essence, the president wants to temporarily stabilize annual deficits at around $600 billion (the largest deficit in American history until 2009, even adjusting for inflation, was $460 billion) before seeing them climb again. And he would do so by increasing the top marginal tax rate from 35 percent to roughly 40 percent and increasing taxes on investment. The Ryan budget contends that such tax increases would be damaging to economic growth at a time when dynamism is badly needed, and pursues instead an aggressive pro-growth tax reform?—?consolidating today’s six personal income-tax brackets into just two (with rates of 10 percent and 25 percent), reducing the corporate rate to 25 percent, and broadening the tax base by curbing deductions, credits, and other so-called tax expenditures. The details of such reforms would depend on the House Ways and Means Committee, but the general outline, developed in tandem with that committee, aims for federal revenues at the postwar average of 18.5 percent of GDP (up from last year’s roughly 15 percent) with significantly lower tax rates.

Third, President Obama’s budget proposes simply to pump more money into our existing safety-net programs, which have been growing uncontrollably in recent years, while the Ryan budget seeks to modernize them to improve their effectiveness and reduce their costs. The food-stamp program alone now costs more than four times what it did a decade ago, and that growth is by no means attributable only to the recession. Caseloads increased by almost 30 percent between 2003 and 2007, as unemployment was falling. The design of this and similar programs uses federal dollars to encourage states to increase their caseloads, and creates no incentives for efficient management. Ryan would use the model of welfare reform to put the states in charge of making these programs work for their populations?—?funding them through federal block grants indexed to inflation and the size of each state’s eligible population, and requiring that states make aid contingent on working or obtaining job training. The idea is not only to save money, though the cumulative savings from such reforms would be significant, but also to use our safety-net institutions to help make poor Americans more independent, rather than less so.

The most profound transformations of the welfare state in the Ryan budget, however, are directed to the federal programs most responsible for our current fiscal straits and for our coming debt disaster: our health care entitlement programs. Conservatives are in the habit of seeing reductions in domestic discretionary spending as the gold standard of reining in government, but in fact health-entitlement spending is the essence of the problem to be solved, and to a degree that few Americans appreciate. In 1971, federal health spending accounted for 1 percent of GDP, and all other government spending combined (excluding interest on the debt) accounted for 17.1 percent of GDP, according to the Congressional Budget Office. Forty years later, in 2011, health spending accounted for 5.6 percent of GDP and all other spending combined (excluding interest) accounted for 17.1 percent of GDP?—?exactly the same portion of the economy as it had four decades earlier (having fluctuated rather little over that time). In essence, the net growth in government as a percentage of the economy in these 40 years has been entirely a function of federal health spending.

And without meaningful reform, this problem will only grow worse. In its latest long-term projections, the Congressional Budget Office forecasted that, between now and 2050, spending on the federal health care entitlements (especially Medicare and Medicaid) will more than double as a percentage of the economy, while all other federal spending combined will actually decline as a share of the economy. The health care entitlements are, in essence, responsible for our disastrous long-term debt problem.

In his budget, President Obama proposes to see this trend continue unabated. Under Obamacare, 16 million more Americans would be shoved into an unreformed Medicaid program that is already failing to provide ready access to quality care. Millions more would enter a whole new poorly designed federal health entitlement created to subsidize coverage in new state exchanges. And the most powerful driver of American health care costs?—?the fee-for-service design of the Medicare system?—?would be left essentially untouched, with a board of price controllers expected to finally make it efficient but not empowered to actually change it.



It is on this front?—?health care, where he claims to have marked his greatest achievement?—?that President Obama has in fact failed most decisively. And it is on this front that Republicans have an opportunity to offer the starkest contrast with that failure of leadership. The Ryan budget goes a long way toward doing that, though it does not go all the way.

Ryan proposes a much-needed reform of Medicaid?—?ending the open-ended federal/state funding structure that creates an enormous incentive for overspending and transforming the program into a federal block grant that would allow states the flexibility to pursue greater efficiency and provide more options to the poor. And most important, he proposes to transform Medicare into a premium-support program?—?and in a way that draws an even more effective contrast with Obama’s approach than last year’s Republican budget did.

As with last year’s plan, none of Ryan’s proposed changes would apply to current seniors and people who are now over 55. For people who retire more than 10 years from now, Medicare would become a system in which the government would provide a fixed amount per recipient each year to pay for insurance that each senior would choose from a menu of comprehensive options. Unlike last year’s proposal, however, the private insurance options would be joined by one government-run fee-for-service option resembling the current Medicare system, and the level of the premium-support benefit each year would be set by competitive bidding among insurers, rather than just by a predetermined formula fixed to inflation.

Both of these new elements would tend to make the transition to the new system more gradual and orderly, and to complicate Democratic efforts to scare voters about it. The fee-for-service option would have a version of “Medicare as we know it” compete for consumers in the new system on something like a level playing field with private insurers, while the competitive bidding system would combine the best elements of defined-benefit and defined-contribution coverage.

A defined-benefit system, like today’s Medicare system, is one in which the government commits to provide a certain set of benefits and then pays whatever they cost. This assures recipients of a guaranteed benefit but encourages cost inflation, since providers of care have a huge incentive to perform more services and thus earn more fees. A defined-contribution system, like the one Ryan proposed last year, would have the government provide a predetermined amount to individuals to spend on insurance. They would choose the coverage they wanted; if it cost more than the preset amount they would pay the difference, and if it cost less they would keep the difference. This would make consumers more cost conscious, driving providers to seek ways to offer quality care at lower prices, but it risks leaving beneficiaries with more out-of-pocket expenses if health costs still grow faster than the premium-support benefit.

Ryan’s new proposal is a bit of both: The government would define the minimum insurance benefit to be provided to all covered seniors, based on the level of coverage Medicare now provides, and then there would be a process each year in which competing insurers would offer bids proposing to provide that (or a greater) benefit at the lowest cost they could. The level of the premium-support payment given to seniors would be set at the level of the second-lowest of the bids; poorer and sicker seniors would get additional help, while the wealthiest would get less. Thus, there would be a defined benefit, but payments to providers would not be open-ended. And there would be a defined contribution (with providers competing to win over consumers), but its value would be automatically set to a level that makes premiums affordable, since at least one option would always cost less than the government subsidy.

Because CBO refuses to score the effects of market competition, and a budget resolution has to be scored by CBO, Ryan had to back up his competitive bidding process with a blunt cap on Medicare’s overall growth (CBO then simply scores the proposal as meeting the cap). To sharpen the contrast with Obama, he chose to just give CBO the same cap Obama proposes for the IPAB?—?keeping the annual growth of costs below GDP growth plus 0.5 percent. Both caps are of course just scoring conventions; they are goals, not reforms. They raise the question of how costs would be kept below the cap, and the differing answers to that question clarify once again the choice before voters this year.

On one hand are Obama’s 15 numinous know-it-alls, charged with setting prices, rationing care, and finding just the right balance between quality and access from Washington, and without the power to change Medicare’s payment system. And on the other hand is a system that seeks efficiency by having 50 million consumers in search of the quality they want at the lowest price they can find pressuring 15 million insurance and health care providers to find innovative ways to meet their demands and make a good living. One involves sheer faith in expert managers, and the other involves using real economics to lift the burden of the oppressive fee-for-service system and enable a new era of innovation, efficiency, and quality in American health care. It is hard to imagine a clearer contrast for voters than that between the two visions of government, and of American life, at the heart of these two proposals?—?and indeed, at the heart of these two budgets.

The Ryan budget could certainly have taken a further step on health care and offered a specific alternative to Obamacare beyond its Medicaid and Medicare components. It could also have launched its Medicare reform sooner than a decade from now, especially since the two new elements in this year’s proposal would make the transition significantly easier for new beneficiaries. And it could have taken a more aggressive approach to cutting domestic discretionary spending in its first year. While such spending is not the driver of our fiscal problems, it has grown vastly in recent years, and trimming it back would make the larger task of fiscal responsibility a little easier. By not being quite as aggressive as it might have been, the Ryan budget has earned some critics on the right?—?some of whom are no doubt also unhappy with its move to avert steep defense cuts.

But seen in the context of the Ryan budget as a whole, and of the demands of this election year, such criticism seems to lack proportion. There is, of course, no chance that the House Republican budget will be adopted by the Democratic Senate this year, and no chance that President Obama will adopt it. Its purpose, rather, is to put before the public an agenda and a vision?—?to contrast Republican priorities with those of the president on the most important economic issues before the country. Its purpose is to remind voters that, as things now stand, we are headed toward a perfectly predictable yet thoroughly avertable calamity, that the president prefers to do nothing to prevent it, and that Republicans have a plausible, coherent plan to address it.

President Obama has successfully turned voters’ attention away from our most significant problems in recent months, and he surely hopes to keep them distracted through the election. But just as they did last year, House Republicans have the opportunity to recapture the agenda?—?not by distracting voters from our problems but by offering real solutions and daring the Democrats to offer their own. We can only hope that the Republican presidential candidate has the good sense to follow their lead.


Yuval Levin is a contributing editor to The Weekly Standard, Hertog fellow at the Ethics and Public Policy Center, and editor of National Affairs.

weeklystandard.com