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Politics : American Presidential Politics and foreign affairs -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Peter Dierks who wrote (54823)8/28/2012 10:46:03 AM
From: Peter Dierks  Respond to of 71588
 
The Tampa Republicans
This is not the George W. Bush-Tom DeLay GOP..
August 28, 2012

The Republican Party gathering in Tampa this week to nominate Mitt Romney is not your father's GOP, or even George W. Bush's. Four years in the wilderness seem to have had the salutary effect of returning the Party of Lincoln to a focus on government reform and economic revival.

Four years ago, the Republicans were a tired bunch who had lost Congress in 2006 and seemed intellectually tapped out. The 9/11 attacks had turned George W. Bush's focus toward national security and difficult wars abroad, while Tom DeLay presided over a risk-averse Congress focused on incumbent protection. Despite his personal virtues, John McCain had no explanation or answer for the financial panic of 2008, and probably no Republican could have overcome it in any case.

***

The surprise is how quickly the GOP has rebounded from the routs of 2006 and 2008, starting in the states. Even as the national party foundered, Governors like Mitch Daniels in Indiana (transportation, health care) and Jeb Bush in Florida (education) made their mark as reformers.

The reform momentum has since gained speed as a reaction to the Obama Presidency. First in 2009 with Chris Christie in New Jersey and Bob McDonnell in Virginia, Governors from the East across the Midwest and through the Southwest have won on reform agendas that they have been able to implement to varying degrees.

Bobby Jindal has pressed education and economic revival in Louisiana. Mr. Christie has worked with Democrats in the state legislature to pass pension reform and property-tax limitation. Mr. McDonnell has turned around Virginia's fisc without a tax increase.

In Ohio and Iowa, respectively, John Kasich and Terry Branstad have focused their governments on fiscal restraint and private job creation. And don't forget Wisconsin's Scott Walker, whose collective-bargaining reform for public employees has saved money for school districts and prevented tax increases.

The common theme is restraining governments that were growing far more rapidly than the private economy's ability to finance them. The contrast of these GOP states couldn't be greater with the union-dominated Democratic governments of Illinois, California and Connecticut, which resist reform and simply default to ever-higher taxes.

One political irony is that if President Obama wins in November, he will do so by carrying swing states with GOP Governors whose success has helped to keep unemployment below the 8.3% national average. Ohio's is 7.2%, Iowa's 5.3%.

The reform impulse has carried over to Washington, thanks to the Congressional victories of 2010. The Tom DeLay Republicans expanded the entitlement state. Speaker John Boehner is a traditional Republican, but his Members followed Paul Ryan's reform budget on taxes, Medicaid and Medicare. The Senate GOP, though limited by Democratic control, mostly followed suit.

The polls show that Congressional approval is hitting new lows, but this reflects the poor economy and typical voter distaste for legislative gridlock and partisan warfare. It should not deter the GOP from pressing reform if it wins in November. The Governors show that reform can be popular when it is successful and adequately explained.

Much of the credit here goes to the Tea Party, which has used GOP primaries to elevate reformers and motivate incumbents to change or face defeat. Orrin Hatch in Utah adjusted and survived this year. Dick Lugar in Indiana did not, and lost.

Tea Partiers have made their share of tactical mistakes—such as assuming they could make a constitutional amendment to balance the budget the price of a debt-limit increase. But by and large they have been constructive in pushing the GOP to address our real fiscal and economic problems. The establishment GOP, in turn, has wisely accommodated much of the Tea Party agenda, rather than let reformers splinter into a third party that would guarantee a liberal Congress.

What is the biggest danger to this new GOP? It isn't the social issues like abortion, unless their advocates are as blinkered as Missouri Senate candidate Todd Akin. Americans are closely divided on cultural matters with no party having a clear edge, and religious conservatives have become a core part of the GOP coalition.

The real threat to a GOP return to power is its failure to reach out to minority voters, especially Hispanics. Even if they win 60% of white voters this year, Republicans won't retain a governing majority for long unless they find a way to appeal to minority voters who are growing as a share of the electorate.

This means fielding more diverse candidates, which the party is beginning to do. But it also means adjusting its rhetoric and policies on immigration. A cranky, crabbed view of immigration sends a cultural message that the GOP doesn't welcome minority voters, and it contradicts the themes of optimism and growth that appeal to most voters.

***

Immigration aside, the Tampa Republicans are a party in better shape than they might have expected after 2008, and one with a new reform mission. Mitt Romney is not the most natural standard-bearer for such a movement given his political record, but he adapted to win the nomination and his choice of Paul Ryan as a running mate reinforces the reform message. Their agenda fits the urgent needs of the country, and we'll find out in November if it also meshes with the mood of the American public.

online.wsj.com



To: Peter Dierks who wrote (54823)8/28/2012 4:05:51 PM
From: Celtictrader  Respond to of 71588
 
Chris Christie's "Comeback" scorecard By Erin O'Neill, Caryn Shinske, Bill Wichert
Published on Sunday, August 26th, 2012 at 7:30 a.m.



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Gov. Chris Christie will deliver the keynote address at the Republican National Convention on Tuesday.

For the past year, Gov. Chris Christie has been selling the "Jersey Comeback" in town hall meetings across the state, telling eager and skeptical residents the state is creating jobs and making other in-roads toward a return to economic good times.

With latest numbers showing New Jersey's unemployment rate among the highest in the nation and a loss of 12,000 jobs in July after months of increases, the governor's opponents were itching for a fight over Christie's record on the economy as he is set to deliver the keynote address to the Republican National Convention in Tampa, Fla., Tuesday night.

But on Wednesday, Christie told reporters he will not utter the words "Jersey comeback" in his high-profile speech. Christie nonetheless will tout his record as governor, and a large part of that narrative has been his stewardship of the economy.

With many eyes on Christie as he gives the big convention speech, Politifact New Jersey is taking a look at some issues key to New Jersey’s growth and its quality of life.

Our scorecard works like this: we measured jobs, finances, real estate and transportation annually from January 2009 – the year before Christie became governor – to the most recent data available. To be clear, we are not holding Christie responsible for growth or lack of growth in each category. Instead, we present this data so New Jersey can decide for itself whether a Comeback has begun.

Jobs

One of the key arguments behind Christie's "comeback" theme has been the job growth under his watch. Since the governor took office, there has been a decline in public-sector employment and an increase in private-sector employment. The state's unemployment rate originally fell during Christie's tenure, but has increased in recent months.


Category January 2009 January 2010 January 2011 January 2012 July 2012
Unemployment Rate 7.4% 9.7% 9.4% 9% 9.8% (P)
Total Jobs 3,958,400 3,852,200 3,837,500 3,883,400 3,899,600 (P)
Public Sector 651,200 649,000 620,300 621,000 623,000 (P)
Private Sector 3,307,200 3,203,200 3,217,200 3,262,400 3,276,600 (P)
Average annual pay* $55,168 $56,382 $57,529 (P) N/A

*The Average Annual Pay is available annually. All other data categories are available monthly. (P) Preliminary figures
Sources: U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, N.J. Department of Labor

Finances

Christie delivered his first budget for fiscal year 2011, proposing less spending than the budgets his predecessor passed in the two previous fiscal years. Average property taxes have continued to climb under Christie, despite a cap on property taxes and health and pension benefit reform he ushered into law.


Category 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013
State Budget* $32.9 billion $28.99 billion $28.4 billion $29.7 billion $31.7 billion
Growth in state GDP -4.8% 1.5% -0.5% N/A
State Debt as of June 30 $35.51 billion $36.91 billion $38.06 billion N/A
Avg. property taxes $7,281 $7,576 $7,759 N/A
Avg. property taxes after rebate $6,244 $7,576** $7,519 N/A

*Budget as signed at start of fiscal year **No rebate in 2010
Sources: N.J. Treasury Department, U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis, N.J. Department of Community Affairs

Real Estate

The recession officially ended in June 2009 but the trickle-down effects of a sagging economy continued to be felt in the years ahead. The Garden State saw significant declines in the number of homes sold as well as median home values.


Category 2009 2010 2011 First quarter 2012
Real estate sales 115,300 84, 400 79,400 17,200 (P)
Median Home Values $306,700 $304,000 $291,700 $265,000 (P)
Mortgage loans in foreclosure* 5.82% 7.28% 8.21% 8.37%

*Data for 2009-2011 represents the fourth quarter of each year. (P) Preliminary figures
Sources: N.J. Association of Realtors, Mortgage Bankers Association

Transportation

Getting from Point A to Point B became more expensive between 2010 and 2012 after Christie allowed the Port Authority to increase tolls and other toll hikes approved by Christie’s predecessor went into effect. Meanwhile, Christie, like other governors, has refused to increase the state’s gas tax, which supports transportation projects

Bridges/Tunnels


Category January 2010 August 2012
New Jersey to New York crossings* $8 during peak hours, w/ E-ZPass $9.50 during peak hours, w/ E-ZPass

*GWB, Holland & Lincoln tunnels, Bayonne &Goethals bridges, Outerbridge crossing

Toll Highways


Category January 2010 August 2012
New Jersey Turnpike: Trenton to Newark $3 one way, peak hours $4.60 one way, peak hours
Garden State Parkway: Bloomfield to Belmar $1.70 $2.50



Fuel Costs


Category January 2009 January 2010 January 2011 January 2012 January 2013
Gas prices for NJ $1.60 $2.60 $3.02 $3.30 $3.40
Gas prices for USA $1.79 $2.71 $3.10 $3.37 $3.42

Sources: AAA Mid-Atlantic, N.J. Turnpike Authority

P.S. In new jersey they call him NJ Biggest LIAR!



To: Peter Dierks who wrote (54823)8/29/2012 9:44:40 AM
From: Peter Dierks1 Recommendation  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 71588
 
Chris Christie: The Statesman
Chris Christie makes the case for touching the third rail.
By Robert Costa
August 28, 2012 11:00 P.M.

Tampa, Fla. — He may be a YouTube sensation, best known for arguing with lefty hecklers, but Governor Chris Christie’s keynote speech late Tuesday was a temperate oration, forceful yet muted.

“Frankly, that is the Chris Christie I know,” says Pennsylvania congressman Pat Meehan, a former United States attorney who has been friends with the New Jersey governor for years. “The attack-dog part is what the media covers, but he has been a positive, forward-thinking, aggressive guy since the first time I met him.”

In front of a raucous crowd of delegates and conservative activists, Christie weaved personal anecdotes, including a moving tribute to his mother’s inspiration, with thoughts about his experience in the Garden State, where he has brokered bipartisan legislative reforms. Since Ann Romney spoke earlier Tuesday, one GOP official says it was critical to stay close to the night’s warm but serious theme.

Christie’s approach was a marked departure from previous Republican keynote addresses, which have often featured a rising politician willing to blast the Democratic nominee. Christie, for his part, did not once mention President Obama by name. Instead, his 2,600-word speech introduced the country to his singular brand, which blends a brusque rhetorical style with a reform agenda.


“We are demanding that our leaders stop tearing each other down, and work together to take action on the big things facing America,” Christie said. “It’s been easy for our leaders to say not us, and not now, in taking on the tough issues. And we’ve stood silently by and let them get away with it. But tonight, I say, ‘Enough.’”

“It was a conscious decision,” says former Minnesota congressman Vin Weber, a senior Romney adviser. “When the keynote speaker, who usually assumes the attack role, doesn’t attack, that’s not an accident. It signals that the campaign believes that the country has a negative opinion of Obama and that it has to offer a different vision.”

Christie was clearly well received, especially among the GOP faithful on the convention floor. Inside the Tampa Bay Times Forum, the atmosphere was electric, and the applause heavy. “He offered a stark contrast,” says Ron Christie, a Republican consultant. “We couldn’t have a more voracious and animated speaker in that slot. He set the tone for the entire campaign.”

According to his confidants, Christie spent two weeks preparing for the speech and practiced the final draft at the governor’s summer home in Island Beach State Park, on the Atlantic coast. The speech went through multiple drafts, an adviser says, but, surprisingly, the Romney campaign let Christie write the vast majority of his speech. Christie wanted to keep things personal and highbrow, and Romney’s high command was reportedly comfortable with that.

“Romney and the Republicans are trying to build a majority coalition,” says David Winston, a Republican pollster. “To be able to effectively govern, you need to have a vision, and part of Christie’s purpose was setting up Governor Romney’s message.”

The speech began with a glance at his middle-class roots and especially his parents, Bill and Sondra Christie. His mother, who died in 2004, was cited as someone who compelled him to commit to a career in public service. Christie has shared a version of this story at various town-hall meetings, but this was the first time he has used his upbringing to such effect on the national stage.

“[My parents] came from nothing,” Christie said. “[My mom] was tough as nails and didn’t suffer fools at all. The truth was she couldn’t afford to. She spoke the truth — bluntly, directly, and without much varnish. I am her son.” He also touched on his adolescence, when he listened to Bruce Springsteen’s Darkness on the Edge of Town with “my high-school friends on the Jersey Shore.”

Another key moment in Christie’s speech was his extended riff about leaders. He believes they should aim to be respected, not loved. Part of the problem with the current administration, he argued, is their desire to be popular instead of being driven to solve complicated problems. Politics, he lamented, is paralyzed by the desire of politicians to win support in opinion polls. To fix the bloated budget, there will be difficult decisions, he warned.

“The greatest lesson Mom ever taught me was this one: She told me there would be times in your life when you have to choose between being loved and being respected,” Christie said. “She said to always pick being respected, that love without respect was always fleeting — but that respect could grow into real, lasting love.”

“Now, of course, she was talking about women,” Christie chuckled, but the larger political point was obvious to the cheering delegates.

“Christie is one of the party’s role models,” says Bill Bennett, a former education secretary in the Reagan administration. “As with Scott Walker and Paul Ryan, he is one of the people out there leading on policy. Having him give this speech reflects the sheer joy the Christies and Walkers of the world have brought to the party.”

Christie’s prime-time speaking spot also reflects the growth of the Republican party into the largely liberal enclaves of the Northeast. “Look at the shift,” Bennett says. “This once southern, Evangelical Christian party has moved very much to the North and the Midwest, and keeps the South with it. Christie’s speech is another testament to the growth of the party, and an important one.”


Christie’s fundamental case was that his experience in New Jersey should be a lesson to Washington’s leaders, and that Romney is a kindred spirit who believes in similar conservative principles and shares his impulse to “govern,” rather than politick.

“They said it was impossible to touch the third rail of politics,” Christie said. “To take on the public-sector unions and to reform a pension and health-benefit system that was headed to bankruptcy. With bipartisan leadership we saved taxpayers $132 billion over 30 years and saved retirees their pensions. We did it.”

Later, Christie emphasized that the steps he has taken to reform New Jersey’s pension system, though difficult, are a variation of what Romney would prioritize. “Mitt Romney will tell us the hard truths we need to hear to end the debacle of putting the world’s greatest health-care system in the hands of federal bureaucrats and putting those bureaucrats between an American citizen and her doctor,” he said.

Ultimately, however, the speech was about a philosophy of leadership rather than the ascent of Romney or specific policies. People respond to conservative ideas, he said, but Americans need to elect a president who can communicate those ideas, not only on television but also on Capitol Hill. He praised Representative Paul Ryan, Romney’s running mate, as an able and willing legislator.

“America needs Mitt Romney and Paul Ryan, and we need them right now,” Christie said. “It’s time to end this era of absentee leadership in the Oval Office and send real leaders to the White House.”

“With the pick of Christie to give the keynote, and the pick of Ryan as vice president, Mitt Romney has shown us a lot of reformist angles,” says Ari Fleischer, a former White House press secretary. “Mitt Romney is buttoned down, but if he’s the real deal like these Republican governors, these things suggest that there is another side to Romney, a real reformist side, that we don’t know about.”

Earlier Tuesday, Christie told the convention’s Michigan delegation, in a brief speech, that he was energized about stepping into the spotlight. “I’m just hoping to break out of my shell tonight,” he said, to laughs. “I think by 10:30 tonight I’m going to be a little bit like that horse in the gate at the Kentucky Derby, waiting for the bell to go, banging up against the gate.”

And on ABC’s Good Morning America, Christie pledged to stay true to his personality. “I think if the American people watch tonight, leave the speech by saying, ‘Yep, that’s him, that’s who I heard about, seems genuine to me,’ then I think I will have done my job for me,” he said. “And if they say, ‘I like the vision he has laid out for the country and for his party for the next four years,’ then I will have done the job for my party and my country.”

Christie has given high-profile speeches before, most notably a speech at the Ronald Reagan presidential library last year, and at a recent Conservative Political Action Conference in Chicago. At the Reagan library, Christie told the crowd to take the high road, even when it is tempting to vilify Democrats. “We are a better people than that, and we must demand a better nation that that,” he said. “We have failed to live up to our own tradition of exceptionalism.”

But this speech, though similar in tone to the Reagan talk, was different. It was Christie rallying the troops as expected but also an attempt to elevate the debate, and to celebrate a presidential nominee who, in his opinion, is doing just that. Instead of excoriating the unmentioned president, he urged delegates to make a worthy argument about the future. And he did this mostly with broad strokes, not by pounding Obama’s record.

“The disciples of yesterday’s politics underestimated the will of the people,” Christie said. “They assumed our people were selfish; that when told of the difficult problems, tough choices, and complicated solutions, they would simply turn their backs, that they would decide it was every man for himself.”

To all the naysayers, Christie said, “I have faith in us.”

“We have never been victims of destiny,” Christie said. “We have always been masters of our own. I won’t be part of the generation that fails that test, and neither will you.”

In the end, there was humor, and there were soaring lines. Most of all, though, it was the presentation of a governor not as a pit bull but a statesman.

— Robert Costa is a political reporter for National Review.

nationalreview.com



To: Peter Dierks who wrote (54823)8/30/2012 1:37:26 PM
From: Hope Praytochange1 Recommendation  Respond to of 71588