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Politics : American Presidential Politics and foreign affairs -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: ManyMoose who wrote (60731)12/31/2012 12:05:45 PM
From: Rarebird  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 71588
 
Thanks, but that's irrelevant to my point.



To: ManyMoose who wrote (60731)1/24/2013 9:17:35 AM
From: Peter Dierks  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 71588
 
The Myth of a Stagnant Middle Class
Household spending on food, housing, utilities, etc. has fallen from 53% of disposable income in 1950 to 32% today..
Updated January 23, 2013, 8:00 p.m. ET

By DONALD J. BOUDREAUX
AND MARK J. PERRY
A favorite "progressive" trope is that America's middle class has stagnated economically since the 1970s. One version of this claim, made by Robert Reich, President Clinton's labor secretary, is typical: "After three decades of flat wages during which almost all the gains of growth have gone to the very top," he wrote in 2010, "the middle class no longer has the buying power to keep the economy going."

This trope is spectacularly wrong.

It is true enough that, when adjusted for inflation using the Consumer Price Index, the average hourly wage of nonsupervisory workers in America has remained about the same. But not just for three decades. The average hourly wage in real dollars has remained largely unchanged from at least 1964—when the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) started reporting it.

Moreover, there are several problems with this measurement of wages. First, the CPI overestimates inflation by underestimating the value of improvements in product quality and variety. Would you prefer 1980 medical care at 1980 prices, or 2013 care at 2013 prices? Most of us wouldn't hesitate to choose the latter.

Second, this wage figure ignores the rise over the past few decades in the portion of worker pay taken as (nontaxable) fringe benefits. This is no small matter—health benefits, pensions, paid leave and the rest now amount to an average of almost 31% of total compensation for all civilian workers according to the BLS.

Third and most important, the average hourly wage is held down by the great increase of women and immigrants into the workforce over the past three decades. Precisely because the U.S. economy was flexible and strong, it created millions of jobs for the influx of many often lesser-skilled workers who sought employment during these years.

Since almost all lesser-skilled workers entering the workforce in any given year are paid wages lower than the average, the measured statistic, "average hourly wage," remained stagnant over the years—even while the real wages of actual flesh-and-blood workers employed in any given year rose over time as they gained more experience and skills.

These three factors tell us that flat average wages over time don't necessarily support a narrative of middle-class stagnation. Still, pessimists reject these arguments. Rather than debate esoteric matters such as how to properly adjust for inflation, however, let's examine some other measures of middle-class living standards.

No single measure of well-being is more informative or important than life expectancy. Happily, an American born today can expect to live approximately 79 years—a full five years longer than in 1980 and more than a decade longer than in 1950. These longer life spans aren't just enjoyed by "privileged" Americans. As the New York Times reported this past June 7, "The gap in life expectancy between whites and blacks in America has narrowed, reaching the lowest point ever recorded." This necessarily means that life expectancy for blacks has risen even more impressively than it has for whites.

Americans are also much better able to enjoy their longer lives. According to the Bureau of Economic Analysis, spending by households on many of modern life's "basics"—food at home, automobiles, clothing and footwear, household furnishings and equipment, and housing and utilities—fell from 53% of disposable income in 1950 to 44% in 1970 to 32% today.

One underappreciated result of the dramatic fall in the cost (and rise in the quality) of modern "basics" is that, while income inequality might be rising when measured in dollars, it is falling when reckoned in what's most important—our ability to consume. Before airlines were deregulated, for example, commercial jet travel was a luxury that ordinary Americans seldom enjoyed. Today, air travel for many Americans is as routine as bus travel was during the disco era, thanks to a 50% decline in the real price of airfares since 1980.

Bill Gates in his private jet flies with more personal space than does Joe Six-Pack when making a similar trip on a commercial jetliner. But unlike his 1970s counterpart, Joe routinely travels the same great distances in roughly the same time as do the world's wealthiest tycoons.

What's true for long-distance travel is also true for food, cars, entertainment, electronics, communications and many other aspects of "consumability." Today, the quantities and qualities of what ordinary Americans consume are closer to that of rich Americans than they were in decades past. Consider the electronic products that every middle-class teenager can now afford—iPhones, iPads, iPods and laptop computers. They aren't much inferior to the electronic gadgets now used by the top 1% of American income earners, and often they are exactly the same.

Even though the inflation-adjusted hourly wage hasn't changed much in 50 years, it is unlikely that an average American would trade his wages and benefits in 2013—along with access to the most affordable food, appliances, clothing and cars in history, plus today's cornucopia of modern electronic goods—for the same real wages but with much lower fringe benefits in the 1950s or 1970s, along with those era's higher prices, more limited selection, and inferior products.

Despite assertions by progressives who complain about stagnant wages, inequality and the (always) disappearing middle class, middle-class Americans have more buying power than ever before. They live longer lives and have much greater access to the services and consumer products bought by billionaires.

Mr. Boudreaux is professor of economics at George Mason University and chair for the study of free market capitalism at the Mercatus Center. Mr. Perry is a professor of economics at the University of Michigan-Flint and a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute.

online.wsj.com



To: ManyMoose who wrote (60731)1/28/2013 10:03:24 PM
From: greatplains_guy1 Recommendation  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 71588
 
Why Romney Lost
By Dr. Charles T. Kenny
January 28, 2013

Conservatives instinctively ground all of their ideas and policies in time-tested philosophies of man and of government. Most successful Republican candidates also paint a picture of what they can do and how their ideas are better than their opponents. This is why people evoke the memory of Ronald Reagan so often; because he is the last Republican candidate for president to conduct his campaign explicitly and consistently within this framework.

During the presidential campaign, Romney did talk about what he could do and what he would do as president, but he never presented his ideas and policies in the context of conservative principles. Nor did he paint a picture of how his ideas and policies would work better than what Obama has done and will do.

Secondly, he almost never drew a conclusion about how his ideas and policies would make a difference in voters' lives. Much the same as a carpenter needs to take a punch and set the nail into the wood so it will sink below the surface, a speaker must set his point in granite by drawing a conclusion that matters to the listeners and to their lives and connects with them clearly and explicitly on an emotional level.

For example, Romney repeatedly promised that he would repeal ObamaCare, but he did not say WHY he would do so. He did not talk about what is wrong with what Obama and the Democrats did when they passed the bill, nor did he explain how the voters' lives would be better with ObamaCare repealed.

The explanation of how these mistakes led to Romney's defeat is the result of an objective analysis, because it is based on an understanding of the universal rules of marketing and communication that are rooted in the laws of branding and positioning. The laws always work because they are based on neuroscience, the way the mind works. And when these laws are violated, there is always a failure to communicate.

Simply put, when one is trying to persuade people to buy a brand, it is necessary to follow these principles or you will fail. Whether in the consumer arena or in politics, the laws work equally well.

In order to demonstrate just how badly the Romney campaign missed the mark, we present the nine Laws of Positioning. They have been developed over time to apply to consumers, but of course they apply to people in general, anywhere they are making decisions of any kind. So, we replace the words "consumers," "management" and "brand" with the words "voters," "campaign" and "politician."

These laws hold the key to every successful marketing campaign and every successful election campaign. Some people may object and say that an election is not a marketing campaign. But an election is nothing if it is not a marketing campaign. The only difference is that there is not as much time for a candidate in an election as there is for a consumer or business brand after a launch. And with less time, it is even more vital to be aware of the Laws of Positioning and to follow them. Here are the nine Laws of Positioning:

• The battle during the election takes place within the voters' minds.

• A position is a place in the voters' minds -- literally a territorial claim made by the candidate.

• Two politicians cannot occupy the same territory or position in the voters' minds.

• To qualify as a true position, it must differentiate the politician in terms of something meaningful to the voter; in other words, a benefit.

• The benefit must have an emotional root or touchstone in the voters' minds.

• Once established, this touchstone prevents the competition from usurping the politician's territorial claim.

• The position applies to virtually every voter in the marketplace. Not every voter will be moved by the politician's position, but every voter must know what the position is (e.g., lower taxes) even if they do not buy into it.

• A position can be influenced by the campaign at any given time, but cannot be changed arbitrarily by the campaign.

• A politician cannot be repositioned easily or at all once a campaign begins unless he or she is so weak that the politician's brand has never been established.

When politicians fail to connect with voters by communicating a key emotional benefit according to these principles, they fail.

On July 3 of 2012, the Rasmussen poll showed Romney in the lead nationally by four percentage points. Unfortunately for the Romney campaign, the good news in the national poll did not translate into a lead in the Electoral College. According to the projections that morning there were 100 Electoral College votes in play and Obama was leading in Wisconsin, Ohio, and Virginia.

If the trend continued, all Obama needed was Wisconsin and Virginia and he would be president again.
The numbers at that time in the campaign told us that the campaign was missing something, something vital, in at least several ways. Romney was missing a position that connects on an emotional level with the voters. It was clear that the Romney people lacked the vital insights needed to frame a strategy that could win the White House for their client.

Our analysis of the Rasmussen data led us directly to the inescapable conclusion that the campaign desperately needed to turn over the stones that were covering up the secrets to victory. Unfortunately, the Romney campaign management ignored our warnings and rejected the help we offered.

Romney lost the presidency because he failed to connect emotionally with the voters. He and his advisors failed to realize that they had to present Romney as uniquely able to deliver an emotional benefit that Obama could not. They talked about what he had done in his career, but seldom talked about what he would do for the people and for the country. Presidential elections in America are won by candidates who successfully persuade the people that they are able to create the conditions that will improve the voters' lives. This is the quintessential way to deliver a powerful emotional benefit.

The supreme irony of the campaign is that neither candidate accomplished the goal of connecting the emotional benefit of a better life for the voters to his candidacy.

Romney did try to connect himself to a better life for the voters, but he waited too long. It was too late in the campaign by the time he finally addressed this bedrock claim of nearly all successful campaigns. But even when he did try, he left out too many pieces.

He left out the context, the first principles. And he left out the conclusion. He never connected his ideas to the benefit of a better life for all. He never set the nail.

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