SI
SI
discoversearch

We've detected that you're using an ad content blocking browser plug-in or feature. Ads provide a critical source of revenue to the continued operation of Silicon Investor.  We ask that you disable ad blocking while on Silicon Investor in the best interests of our community.  If you are not using an ad blocker but are still receiving this message, make sure your browser's tracking protection is set to the 'standard' level.
Politics : Formerly About Advanced Micro Devices -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Bilow who wrote (756209)12/8/2013 8:48:23 PM
From: RetiredNow  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 1574854
 
I do not claim that QE is a silver bullet that instantaneously solves all stagnation problems. QE is not a "trick" that cures depression. No such silver bullet exists. Go read the literature. There is no cure for depressions. You have to wait them out.

Agree with this statement. You keep saying that I'm for hard money, but I'm not a hard money guy. I think it's better than unlimited printing like we have now, but I think there is a better way than hard money. If I were king, what I would institute is monetary freedom. What I mean by that is I'd let ANY currency compete. If people wanted to use gold, bit coins, coffee beans, or my fiat currency as a medium of exchange, then I would make sure our laws and regulations treat all those equally. I wouldn't institute high taxes on gold and go after bit coin exchanges like we do in the US to protect my shitty fiat currency.

The bottom line is that I'd allow free markets to determine the best medium of exchange. If I want my fiat currency to be able to compete as a store of value, then I'd do what's necessary to make it competitive by limiting how much I print and maintaining fiscal sanity. And I'd do what Keynes REALLY meant with his economic policies by saving up a surplus in good years, so that I could deficit spend a bit in lean years. All of these kinds of policies would be far better than the absolute irresponsibility that we're engaging in right now.



To: Bilow who wrote (756209)12/9/2013 10:26:54 AM
From: RetiredNow  Respond to of 1574854
 
Free Money! Then Free The Rest Of The Economy

My previous column, “ In Praise Of Gold,” was not meant as an advocacy of a gold standard–not if that means giving government the power to dictate what is and isn’t money.

The right of free trade means that the government may not impose a gold standard. Every trade is an exchange of values, and what is exchanged for what is to be determined by the buyer and seller. No third party may intervene.

Whether you decide to accept payment in gold, silver, warehouse receipts, stock ownership, IOUs or chicken wings is up to you. The government has no role to play in setting the terms of the exchange. There is no justification for a policeman to be looking over your shoulder, fingering the trigger of his gun, while you are deciding what you want to accept in payment for what you are offering.

But, you may ask, where is that happening? Where is physical force being used to dictate payment? The answer is: in every single nation on the planet. It’s not done by the crude means of dispatching troops or police. It’s done indirectly, by threats. And the threats are backed up by the police.

Here are some of laws that interfere with monetary freedom. Legal tender laws nullifying “gold clauses” in contracts, laws requiring banks to be chartered by states or the federal government, thousands upon thousands of regulations foisted upon banks, the FDIC, which uses money seized by force (government funds) to insulate banks from market risk, laws taxing mythical “capital gains” in gold sales. (And in 1933 FDR simply confiscated all privately held gold coins.)


Remember: no government policy regarding money is a recommendation. All of it is backed up by the police power of the state. Violate the government’s interventions, and you will be fined and/or jailed. That’s force. That’s what keeps the fiat money system going. That’s what has caused the dollar to lose over 98% of its value, in terms of gold, over the last 100 years. It was almost exactly 100 years ago, December 23, 1913, that the (coercive) Federal Reserve System was established.

In December 1913, the dollar was worth slightly more than 1/20th of an ounce of gold. Twenty government dollars and change would buy an ounce of gold. As of this writing, it takes 1,225 government dollars to buy that same ounce of gold. Do the math. The government dollar has dropped by 98.38 percent during the Fed’s reign.

The government paper dollar of today is worth less than two cents, compared to the government paper dollar when the Fed began. That’s the legacy of government control–political control–over money.

There is no justification for the Federal Reserve System or for any government intervention regarding money. The government should neither impose gold nor forbid it.

How far would I take this line of thought? All the way.

A case in point. I agree with Jean Baptiste Say, the great 19th century economist, that we should not use national currencies, or even introduce words to canonize them. There is no rational need for the terms “dollar”–or “franc” or “peso” or “shekel.

We call a bushel of wheat a bushel of wheat. We call a pound of butter a pound of butter. We can call an ounce of gold an ounce of gold. A car’s price could be 10.30 gold ounces. Or, because gold has such a high unit value, we could use the gold gram, and quote the price as 315 gold grams.

A gold gram is a gold gram whether it’s used in America, France, Mexico, or Israel. Nor does an ounce of silver vary with lines drawn on the map. And when people are free to choose their money, gold and silver win the market competition. (If, in the future, something else wins, so be it.)

So one reason why the government should not “define the dollar as a certain weight of gold” is that we should jettison the term “dollar.” It’s an obfuscatory term. “Dollar,” “franc” and the like inject into men’s thinking an intermediary between money and the money commodity. That paves the way for government debasement of money.

Let Washington try to declare that an ounce is now four-fifths of an ounce.

Monetary freedom is the only sure means of protecting the integrity of our medium of exchange and store of value. Freedom in general is the only sure means of protecting the integrity of our lives–our ability to act on our own best judgment.

As government coercion has devalued our money, so it has devalued our minds. The same statist mentality that impedes or outlaws using gold forbids you to use the cancer drugs it hasn’t approved, won’t let you put up a house without dozens or hundreds of permits, tells you how much margin you need on stock purchases, won’t let you eat foods it considers unhealthy for you, stops you from buying a gene-testing kit, and generally declares war on your ability to take independent action.

But the Founding Fathers knew government exists to protect rights not to violate them: “. . . to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men.”

The right to freedom in money is a straightforward application of the right of free trade. Government exists to protect the terms of contract, not to dictate them.

A free economy requires monetary freedom as part of “the separation of State and Economics, in the same way and for the same reasons as the separation of Church and State.”

forbes.com



To: Bilow who wrote (756209)12/9/2013 10:31:33 AM
From: RetiredNow1 Recommendation

Recommended By
TideGlider

  Respond to of 1574854
 
The Fed’s scandalous monetary policyRock-bottom interest rates are the great enabler of Washington overspending

By Scott S. Powell
As the vote on Obamacare approached in 2010 — a year when the budget deficit was a staggering $1.3 trillion — the Democratic majority ignored the opposition’s concerns about the costs and unintended consequences of restructuring the entire health care system. It was also the year that Federal Reserve Chairman Ben S. Bernanke rolled out Phase Two of his controversial policy known as quantitative easing — QE, for short.

As Mr. Bernanke explained, the purpose of QE was to help the private economy. The Fed would buy long-term bonds with its newly printed dollars for the purpose of raising the price and lowering the yields of those bonds. By pushing rates down, QE would drive investors into equities in search of higher yields. This supposedly creates a “wealth effect” whereby the 10 percent of Americans who own about 80 percent of the stocks would spend more, invest more and create opportunity for the other 90 percent.

QE may have started out with that objective, but after four years of failure to spur job growth, which has also been accompanied by a widening gap between the rich and the poor and the piling up of $5-trillion-plus of new federal debt, it’s apparent that QE’s purpose has morphed. By manipulating and maintaining interest rates at abnormally low levels, QE has also become the great enabler of Washington’s spending and its appetite to buy votes and gain centralized power.

In 1977, the Federal Reserve added a second mandate of full employment to its original, single directive of maintaining price stability. With QE, the Bernanke Fed has effectively taken on a third role: supplying cheap financing for Washington’s chronic, dysfunctional deficit spending of hundreds of billions, even trillions of dollars, that exceed tax revenues.

The scope of the regulatory state — enlarged by the two signature policies of President Obama and the Democrats, Obamacare and Dodd-Frank — has dampened business expansion and entrepreneurial risk-taking and the tax revenues that would follow. After nearly five years, it seems apparent that no amount of easy-money monetary policy can overcome wayward regulatory and fiscal policies.

The fiscal policies of Mr. Obama and monetary policies of Mr. Bernanke are at cross-purposes. Like a driver with the left foot on the brake pedal and the right foot on the accelerator, the result is a ruined economic drive train. In this case, such contradictory policies have prolonged the 2008 recession, with the lowest labor-force participation rates in 35 years and with true unemployment rates north of 12 percent. Only a domestic energy boom that has nothing to do with Mr. Obama’s leadership disguises the reality.

While QE’s hot money has helped fuel the stock market to record highs, significant private wealth remains sidelined over concern about QE-induced systemic risk stemming from $17 trillion of federal debt — a sum exceeding national gross domestic product. There’s significant chatter about a “black swan” event that could trigger another financial market panic.

In 1987, when the economy was healthier than today’s, the stock market dropped 22 percent in one day — a 3,500-point equivalent at today’s levels. In the 1990s, the Treasury bond market dropped 4 percent in one day on several occasions. Today, a 4 percent drop in 10-year Treasury bond prices would wipe out all the equity capital of the Federal Reserve — if its $4 trillion portfolio of government and mortgage bonds were marked to market.

Taking the QE punch bowl away won’t be easy. The new Fed chairman-in-waiting, Janet Yellen, should explain her views on unwinding QE before her upcoming confirmation vote.

As the nation’s chief banker, she will have a primary duty to help reduce systemic risk by promoting responsible debt management and a sound dollar. Congress needs to be reminded that the S&P downgrade of U.S. sovereign debt in August 2011 was but a warning of imminent trouble if spending and entitlement-program reform are not addressed.

The media loves scandals, yet the biggest one of all goes largely unreported. That is this: The very elected officials who have taken an oath of office to protect the country are tempting fate in an almost reckless way. Our enemies and rivals surely understand the trajectory of growing debt service and entitlement costs in the United States mean less money available for defense, crippling America’s superpower status and hastening its retreat from the world. Let’s hope new leadership at the Fed can do its part to help redirect national priorities.

Scott S. Powell is an economist and senior fellow at the Discovery Institute in Seattle.

Read more: washingtontimes.com