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Politics : Formerly About Advanced Micro Devices -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Brumar89 who wrote (790293)6/16/2014 7:03:55 PM
From: Broken_Clock  Respond to of 1579811
 
Can we back up
our claims?
by Jim Babka
truthaboutwar.org
Claim #4: One of our radio ads claims our government was told in advance by Hussein that he might invade Kuwait in 1990, but we did nothing to deter him. Can we support this claim?

This story is well established. It was widely reported by major newspapers, magazines, and TV networks at the time, but was rarely mentioned again after the first wave of publicity. Some of the details are also discussed in a number of books, including Iraq by Dilip Hiro and A World Transformed, by the former National Security Advisor under Bush, Sr., Brent Scowcroft.

Hussein had three problems with Kuwait:

  • A border dispute dating back to Great Britain's artificial drawing of the lines after World War I.

  • Kuwait was allegedly slant drilling into Iraq's oil fields and stealing its oil.

  • Kuwait was violating its OPEC production agreements in order to drive down the price of oil and bankrupt Iraq.
This last point is interesting because it was essentially a strong-arm tactic Kuwait was using to win concessions from Iraq. Iraq was vulnerable to this tactic because it had borrowed money from Kuwait and Saudi Arabia to wage war against Iran in the 1980s. Kuwait and Saudi Arabia had loaned this money because they too were afraid of the revolutionary regime in Iran. The U.S., Iraq, Kuwait, and Saudi Arabia, were all complicit in the war against Iran, and all of them hoped to benefit from it. But now Kuwait was using the loans it had made to Iraq as leverage to win profitable concessions from Hussein with regard to the border dispute and their slant drilling. And Kuwait was turning up the heat by also violating its production agreement. This reduced oil prices generally, and Iraq's oil income in particular.

That summer, the State Department informed Hussein that his dispute with Kuwait was a local matter, and that the U.S. didn't have a diplomatic duty to protect Kuwait if Iraq used military force. This is verified by State Department testimony—during 1990—before congressional committees. But the U.S. tale doesn't end there.

Saddam Hussein told the United States Ambassador to Baghdad that he would not use force against Kuwait provided that the Emir of Kuwait—in a summit that was supposed to occur in July 1990—agreed to end his nation's "economic warfare."

The Ambassador, April Glaspie, told Hussein: "We have no opinion on your Arab-Arab conflicts, such as your dispute with Kuwait. Secretary (of State James) Baker has directed me to emphasize the instruction, first given to Iraq in the 1960's, that the Kuwait issue is not associated with America." She added, "We hope you can solve this problem using any suitable methods via Klibi or via President Mubarak. All that we hope is that these issues are solved quickly." And Glaspie was confident that there was still time to solve the matter and so shortly thereafter went on vacation.

The Emir of Kuwait was no-show for the summit. Why?

He had assurances from the Pentagon (directed by Dick Cheney) that it would defend Kuwait—even though there was no formal agreement compelling the U.S. to protect them, and even though the U.S. State Department had given Hussein assurances they wouldn't get involved. Hussein, believing he had permission, attacked Kuwait.

Hussein's invasion of Kuwait was not the start of a campaign to conquer the whole region, as the first Bush administration claimed to the American public. It was, instead, a local dispute, primarily over broken business agreements, that was escalated into a major crisis by Bush administration confusion, incompetence and lies about the true cause of the conflict. And it's really not all that surprising. When you have a government as bloated in size as ours, snafu's and miscommunication become the rule. Put another way, it's impossible for the right hand to know what the left hand is doing, especially when there are dozens of left hands.



To: Brumar89 who wrote (790293)6/16/2014 7:10:59 PM
From: Broken_Clock  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 1579811
 
Speaking of lies….Bush comes to mind, Cheney comes to mind…
+++++++++++++++++

Can we back up
our claims?by Jim Babka
truthaboutwar.org
Claim #1: One of our radio ads asserts that Hussein has no nuclear weapons, or other weapons of mass destruction. How do we support this claim? And what if he acquires these weapons in the future?

First, we need to get our terms straight. According to the U.S. military, "weapons of mass destruction" are:

[W]eapons that are capable of a high order of destruction and/or of being used in such a manner as to destroy large numbers of people. Can be nuclear, chemical, biological, and radiological weapons, but excludes the means of transporting or propelling the weapon where such means is a separable and divisible part of the weapon.
But that's a recently revised definition. According to nuclear physicist Dr. J. Gordon Prather, even a few years ago this wasn't the case. Prather thinks the change in definition is ridiculous. As he explains in his article, Cardboard Safety, there's no history of weapons being imported from the terrorist cell countries—they're always homemade near the target site. And with good reason, the cost and logistics involved in moving these weapons are considerable. It's a whole lot easier to obtain the ingredients—even, scarily enough, the completed weapon—right here in the U.S.

But let's assume that Prather is completely wrong about how terrorist weapons get to their terrible destinations. As of February 14, 2003, no evidence has been presented to the UN that substantiates any claim that Iraq has WMDs. In fact, the weapons inspectors themselves believe they've done a good job, despite the fact that the U.S. government has repeatedly sent them on wild goose chases. If the inspectors on the ground don't trust the leads they're being given by the U.S. government, why should we?

Regarding nuclear weapons, Iraq has tried to develop them in the past and failed, and has scant chances of succeeding in the future.

The Israelis destroyed Iraq's nuclear reactors in the 1980s and the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) has closed loopholes that might have allowed Iraq to acquire fissionable material by other means. UN weapons inspections provide the final protection (more on this point below).

Iraq did obtain a blueprint for building a Highly-Enriched-Uranium bomb (HEU), but according to the IAEA they were never able to produce more than a few kilograms of HEU! With this in mind let's consider a direct quote from President Bush:

If the Iraqi regime is able to produce, buy, or steal an amount of highly enriched uranium a little larger than a single softball, it could have a nuclear weapon in less than a year… Facing clear evidence of peril, we cannot wait for the final proof—the smoking gun—that could come in the form of a mushroom cloud (October 7, 2002 in a speech at Cinncinati, Ohio).
Notice the President's use of the word "softball." Doesn't sound like much does it? It sounds easy to acquire doesn't it? But it isn't. Remember, the most HEU Iraq was ever able to produce was a few kilograms. And the only other source for that much HEU would be from rogue countries that already have nuclear weapons.

But if Bush seriously fears that possibility why isn't he disarming those countries instead? The most obvious answer is that deterrence is a safer way to keep countries such as Pakistan and North Korea in line.

[Deterrence is the threat of retaliation if a country does something aggressive. Deterrence takes advantage of a ruler's natural interest in self-preservation to secure the peace with little risk and no additional cost. For more about the superiority of deterrence see Claim #7.]

continued below…

Make a difference:
Help us remodel this site!Thus President Bush's supposed fears about nuclear weapons are not credible. Additionally, a defector from the Iraqi nuclear program, Dr. Imad Khadduri (who helped UN Inspectors in Iraq and is now living free in Canada), points out that the facilities needed to create nuclear weapons are very large, hard to hide, easily detected, impossible to move, and easily destroyed. It is his considered view that the Iraqis have zero chance of ever producing a bomb. (See uruklink.net/inmd/inn.htm. (This site is no longer available. We apologize for the inconvenience.)

What about chemical and biological weapons?

Consider the following exchange between former UN Weapons Inspector Scott Ritter and CNN International's Fionnuala Sweeney:

RITTER: As of December 1998 we had accounted for 90 to 95 percent of Iraq's weapons of mass destruction capability—"we" being the weapons inspectors. We destroyed all the factories, all of the means of production and we couldn't account for some of the weaponry, but chemical weapons have a shelf-life of five years. Biological weapons have a shelf-life of three years. To have weapons today, they would have had to rebuild the factories and start the process of producing these weapons since December 1998.

SWEENEY: And how do we know that hasn't been happening?

RITTER: We don't, but we cannot go to war on guesswork, hypothesis and speculation. We go to war on hardened fact. So Tony Blair says he has a dossier; present the dossier. George W. Bush and his administration say they know with certainty; show us how you know. [Please note that just days before Colin Powell's UN presentation, Blair came forward with a dossier. It was immediately shown that this dossier was not the product of British intelligence work. Instead, it was plagiarized from three different articles, one written by a graduate student. See channel4.com/news/home/z
/stories/20030206/dossier.html]

SWEENEY: How much access did you get to the weapons inspection sites?

RITTER: One-hundred percent. Every site we wanted to get to, we eventually got to. There was some obstruction, it wasn't pretty, but we got there.

SWEENEY: And after what period of time?

RITTER: It depends; a matter of hours sometimes, days sometimes, months, depending on the level of the international crisis. But remember we approached the weapons inspections the way that, for instance, a forensic crime scene investigator approaches a crime—forensically. And we always uncovered every lie the Iraqis told us. They didn't get away with anything.

SWEENEY: But when you say you always uncovered every lie that Iraq told you, it means that Iraq didn't fully cooperate by any stretch of the imagination.

RITTER: I have never said that Iraq was fully co-operating and when I make an assessment about Iraq's disarmament level, it has nothing to do with what Iraq has declared. I do not trust them, I take nothing they say at face value, it is based upon on the hard work of weapons inspectors who have verified that Iraq has been disarmed through their own independent sources.

Ritter's assessment holds true today. On February 5th, just before Powell's speech to the UN, the Associated Press reported the following:

[Chief Weapons Inspector Hans Blix] saw no proof that any information was being leaked to the Iraqis about inspection sites, and no evidence that Iraq was moving banned material to escape inspectors. "We have not seen any signs of things being moved around, whether tracks in the sand or in the ground," he said. "Inspectors have also taken samples at many sites, and those analyzed so far do not indicate that any illegal weapons had been moved," he added.
So beware of how politicians use words. President Bush has used words like WMD and "softball" to make it appear that Iraq poses a serious threat, when in fact Iraq is even more toothless now than when coalition forces defeated them in 1991. Bush's supposed worries about an Iraqi bomb are more a "tempest in a teapot" than a potential mushroom cloud over an American city…

UPDATE: The Flimflam by Charley Reese

"Still think you are not being flimflammed by the Bush administration? Take heed of this:Newsweek has reported that Hussein Kamel, the highest-ranking Iraqi official ever to defect and Saddam Hussein's son-in-law, told the United Nations, the CIA and Britain's MI-6 in 1995 that Iraq destroyed all of its chemical and biological stocks, as well as the missiles to deliver them, in 1991.

"Yet the U.N. arms inspectors, the CIA and MI-6 chose to keep that secret. If it's true—and there's no reason to believe it isn't—then it's pretty hard evidence that the Bush administration is lying through its teeth when it keeps insisting that Iraq has weapons of mass destruction. It also bolsters the credibility of former chief arms inspector Scott Ritter, who has likewise insisted that Iraq's weapons were destroyed. For that matter, it bolsters the credibility of the Iraqi government, which insists it no longer has any weapons of mass destruction…"

Read the rest of the article at: worldnews
stand.net/03/wakeup/3-10.htm



To: Brumar89 who wrote (790293)6/16/2014 7:13:12 PM
From: Broken_Clock  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 1579811
 
Democracy domino plan won't work: secret reportBy Greg Miller in Washington
March 15 2003

smh.com.au

A classified United States State Department report expresses deep scepticism that installing a new regime in Iraq will foster the spread of democracy in the Middle East - a claim President George Bush has made in trying to build support for a war - according to intelligence officials.

The report exposes significant divisions within the Bush Administration over the so-called democratic domino theory.

The report, which has been distributed to a small group of government officials but not publicly disclosed, says daunting economic and social problems are likely to undermine basic stability in the region for years, let alone prospects for democratic reform.

Even if some version of democracy took root - which the report casts as unlikely - anti-American sentiment is so pervasive, it says, that elections in the short term could lead to the rise of Islamic-controlled governments hostile to the US.

"Liberal democracy would be difficult to achieve," says one passage of the report, according to an intelligence official.

"Electoral democracy, were it to emerge, could well be subject to exploitation by anti-American elements."

The thrust of the document, the official said, "is that this idea that you're going to transform the Middle East and fundamentally alter its trajectory is not credible". Even the document's title - "Iraq, the Middle East and Change: No Dominoes" - appears to dismiss the Administration argument.

The report was produced by the State Department's Bureau of Intelligence and Research, the in-house analytical arm.

It is dated February 26, officials said, the day Mr Bush told the American Enterprise Institute in Washington: "A new regime in Iraq would serve as a dramatic and inspiring example of freedom for other nations in the region."

But the argument has been pushed hardest by a group of advisers who have been leading proponents of going to war with Iraq, among them Paul Wolfowitz, the Deputy Defence Secretary, and Richard Perle, the chairman of the Defense Policy Board.

Dr Wolfowitz has said Iraq could be "the first Arab democracy" and that even modest democratic progress in Iraq would "cast a very large shadow, starting with Syria and Iran but across the whole Arab world".

Mr Perle has said that a reformed Iraq "has the potential to transform the thinking of people around the world about the potential for democracy, even in Arab countries where people have been disparaging of their potential".

The domino theory also is used by the Administration as an argument to critics in US Congress who have expressed concern that invading Iraq will inflame the Muslim world and fuel terrorist activity against the US.

But the theory is disputed by many Middle East experts and is viewed with scepticism by analysts at the CIA and State Department, intelligence officials said.

Critics say that even establishing a democratic government in Iraq will be extremely difficult. Iraq is made up of ethnic groups deeply hostile to one another. Ever since its inception in 1932, the country has known little but bloody coups and brutal dictators.

"We'll be lucky to have strong central governments [in the Middle East], let alone democracy," one official said.

The official stressed that no one in intelligence or diplomatic circles opposed the idea of trying to install a democratic government in Iraq. "But to sell [the war] on the basis that this is going to cause 1000 flowers to bloom is naive," the official said.

Los Angeles Times




To: Brumar89 who wrote (790293)6/16/2014 7:26:13 PM
From: Broken_Clock  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 1579811
 
You want lies?

Look to Bush.

Can we back up
our claims?by Jim Babka

Claim #5: One of our radio ads makes the startling claim that our government lied to the world before the last Gulf War when we claimed that Iraqi troops were massed on the border of Saudi Arabia, ready to invade. Can we support this serious charge?

The story of this lie is also well established. An investigative reporter from the St. Petersburg Times in Florida was the first person to uncover the lie. The Christian Science Monitor then confirmed the story. "60 Minutes" has also reported on this lie, based on John MacArthur's book The Second Front, about media coverage of the first Gulf War.

Here's how the lie worked…

The first Bush administration did not feel that Iraq's invasion of Kuwait provided sufficient justification for a U.S. military response in the eyes of the American public. But this problem would go away if it became apparent that Iraq wasn't going to stop with Kuwait, but also planned to attack Saudi Arabia.

The Bush administration also had the problem of where to stage its troops for a U.S. invasion of Kuwait and Iraq. Saudi Arabia was needed to provide a starting point for the American force. To address these problems the Bush administration told the Saudis that Iraqi troops were massing to invade them. The Saudis sent out investigators to check the U.S. claim and found nothing. So the Bush administration provided the Saudis with secret satellite photos showing a huge Iraqi force massed on their border. At the same time the Bush administration also ordered commercial satellite firms to turn off their coverage of the border between Iraq and Saudi Arabia. But there was one loophole in their plans—Russia's satellites.

Since the fall of the Soviet Union, images from Russia's spy satellites have become commercially available. And what do the Russian images from that time show for the border between Iraq and Saudi Arabia? Absolutely nothing. No Iraqi tanks, no trucks, no planes, no soldiers. American fighter planes can be seen, parked tip-to-tip, but no Iraqi military presence is anywhere near the Saudi border.

The first Bush administration faked satellite photos to gain Saudi participation in its war, and to convince the American people that Hussein must be stopped from conquering the whole region. But Saddam never had any such intention (as can be seen in Claim #4). The whole thing was a fabrication by our government, and by many of the same people who are now urging war on us again (see also Claim #6).

truthaboutwar.org