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Politics : Libertarian Discussion Forum -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Road Walker who wrote (9924)10/15/2015 5:23:32 PM
From: TimF  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 13056
 
Abstract

This article advances a political theory of regulation that accounts for the choices of regulators and regulated entities when both are governments. Leading theories of regulation assume that governments regulate profit-maximizing firms: Governments set rules, to which firms respond rationally in ways that constrain their behavior. But often the entities that governments regulate are other governments. We argue that government agencies and private firms often face different compliance costs, and that agencies have greater incentives than firms to appeal regulations through political channels. Simultaneously, the typical enforcement instruments that regulators use to influence firm behavior may be less effective against governments. Our empirical subjects are public and private entities’ compliance with the U.S. Clean Air Act and Safe Drinking Water Act. We find that, compared with private firms, governments violate these laws significantly more frequently and are less likely to be penalized for violations.

onlinelibrary.wiley.com

Study: Agencies Flout Environmental Rules More than Private Firms

Government-owned power plants, hospitals and water utilities fall short in complying with federal environmental laws more often than similar private-sector entities, an academic study found. Publicly owned facilities are less likely to face fines or other sanctions for violations than are those owned and run by private firms, according to an examination of records of plants regulated under the Clean Air Act and Safe Drinking Water Act from 2001-2011.

Published last month in the American Journal of Political Science, the study titled " When Governments Regulate Governments" also found that regulatory authorities are less vigorous in enforcing the rules when they are regulating other governments.

“The findings are significant but not surprising,” said co-author David Konisky of the School of Public and Environmental Affairs at Indiana University. He and co–author Manny Teodoro, associate professor of political science at Texas A&M University, viewed records from more than 3,000 power plants, 1,000 hospitals and 4,200 water utilities.

Their findings:
  • Public power plants and hospitals were on average 9 percent more likely to be out of compliance with Clean Air Act regulations and 20 percent more likely to have committed high-priority violations;
  • Public water utilities had on average 14 percent more Safe Drinking Water Act health violations and were 29 percent more likely to commit monitoring violations;
  • Public power plants and hospitals that violated the Clean Air Act were 1 percent less likely than private-sector violators to receive a punitive sanction and 20 percent less likely to be fined;
  • Public water utilities that violated Safe Drinking Water Act standards were 3 percent less likely than investor-owned utilities to receive formal enforcement actions.
One reason for the disparity, the professors said, is that government entities have “higher costs of complying with regulations because they often must go through political processes to raise the money needed to improve their facilities. And they may face pushback from customers or taxpayers who object to higher rates and have the political power to block them.”

Public entities also are able to delay or avoid paying fines when penalties are assessed. “And officials with regulatory agencies may be sympathetic to violations by public entities, because they understand the difficulty of securing resources in the public sector,” the academics concluded...

m.govexec.com



To: Road Walker who wrote (9924)11/22/2016 6:52:07 AM
From: TimF  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 13056
 
Paul Krugman's Terrible Misunderstanding Of Trump's Infrastructure Plans

Tim Worstall ,
Contributor

OK, so we get it, Paul Krugman doesn’t like Donald Trump. He and Matt Yglesias seem to be competing for who can predict the fastest fall into fascism that is going to result. But that’s no excuse for such a good economist (this is not a reference to Yglesias) to start doing bad economics. Which is what Krugman is doing here as he says that there’s just no possible reason other than the ability of some to rip off the taxpayers for there to be private involvement in the financing and construction of infrastructure. What’s worse he really should know this too as it’s really a rather famous case:
Again, all of these questions could be avoided by doing things the straightforward way: if you think we should build more infrastructure, then build more infrastructure, and never mind the complicated private equity/tax credits stuff. You could try to come up with some justification for the complexity of the scheme, but one simple answer would be that it’s not about investment, it’s about ripping off taxpayers. Is that implausible, given who we’re talking about?
Actually, there’s reasonable experience to tell us that we’d rather have rich people doing this sort of thing as rich people already have lots of money and thus feel the temptation to steal ours rather less. But agreed, that’s both politics and anecdote. The real mistake comes here:
Second, how is this kind of scheme supposed to finance investment that doesn’t produce a revenue stream? Toll roads are not the main thing we need right now; what about sewage systems, making up for deferred maintenance, and so on? You could bring in private investors by guaranteeing them future government money — say, paying rent in perpetuity for the use of a water system built by a private consortium. But this, even more than having someone else collect tolls, would simply be government borrowing through the back door — with much less transparency, and hence greater opportunities for giveaways to favored interests.
It’s that example of water and sewer systems. Just as one example the two have, traditionally, been provided by private companies in France. Yes, France, where government is about twice the size of that in the US, actually has private, not public, water companies. And then there’s the experience of the UK.

When the water companies were privatised the four constituent nations got different systems. England got privately owned (although publicly floated on stock markets) water companies. Wales got a hybrid private company with the shareholders being the Great and the Good in Welsh life. Scotland got a government owned water company, Northern Ireland left it to the local councils to continue delivering the water and sewage services. A decade after this OfWat, the regulator, decided to study the effects. They tested four different things, water quality, price, and two different tests of the effects upon the environment (so, river water quality after sewage treatment and so on). Obviously all of these four things could have got worse or better and that itself could have varied by organisational form.

And our actual results were interesting: all four got better in England faster than in the other three. And it was more interesting than that too. England got better best in all four, Wales second, Scotland third and NI fourth. That is, the less direct government control there was of the activity, the closer it was to being a private sector organisation, the better the results.

That is, we’ve found a reason why we might want to use private sector actors to run our water and sewage systems. As far as we can tell they’re better at it. We get cheaper and better services by allowing the profit gouging capitalists to do it and more expensive and worse water by allowing government to do it. The people of Flint would probably be rather happy if some economist had pointed this out to their own municipal managers.

And quite the most interesting finding was that government is really, really, bad at these decisions. One thing we’re often told about government making these sorts of investment decisions is that only government can look at the bigger picture, see where there are results and outcomes that are socially beneficial not just directly monetisable into profit. Thus government will allocate more capital to such plans as only they can properly account for them. It is of course possible that this is true, that the people who run the DMV know how societal resources should be allocated. However, we found that those private, profit making, water companies in England invested much more into the water and sewage systems than government ever had done. That is, government wasn’t just bad at running the systems it was also terrible at allocating resources to them.

At which point we perhaps should feel rather better about Trump’s private sector infrastructure plan. We do have good evidence that it is at least possible that it will have a good outcome. Sure, of course, such a plan could degenerate into a mad scramble to collect the taxpayers’ cash. But then public procurement projects are already a mad scramble to collect the taxpayers’ cash. It’s just different people doing the scrambling–Pentagon procurement isn’t known as a greatly efficient process and the unions scramble like mad to make sure that they get a cut of the road building etc pie.

But what really annoys here is that Krugman is a truly good economist. He didn’t gain that Nobel just by collecting the coupons on his Wheaties packets. Yet, as all too often, what he knows he knows about economics gets left aside when he writes a column or blog post. Of course we can use private investment to build and run water and sewer systems. The UK has done it and it turned out very well indeed. And Krugman knows this.

forbes.com