SI
SI
discoversearch

We've detected that you're using an ad content blocking browser plug-in or feature. Ads provide a critical source of revenue to the continued operation of Silicon Investor.  We ask that you disable ad blocking while on Silicon Investor in the best interests of our community.  If you are not using an ad blocker but are still receiving this message, make sure your browser's tracking protection is set to the 'standard' level.
Politics : Formerly About Advanced Micro Devices -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: combjelly who wrote (795117)7/14/2014 6:06:03 PM
From: i-node  Respond to of 1577919
 
>> But this won't stop the wingnuts from claiming that tax cuts work every time.

Who said that? I don't remember anyone saying that.

Some places, KS included, just don't have any real opportunity to pull themselves out of the doldrums, particularly in the face of the continued heavy weight of the Obama regulatory environment. Tax cuts or no.



To: combjelly who wrote (795117)7/14/2014 7:11:09 PM
From: tejek  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 1577919
 
But this won't stop the wingnuts from claiming that tax cuts work every time.

That's because wingers determine what their ideal world will look like and then back into an explanation that makes it plausible. They've been doing it for so long they think its normal and people like Dave don't have a clue how crazy they sound.



To: combjelly who wrote (795117)7/14/2014 8:49:56 PM
From: koan  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 1577919
 
Logic and facts are useless on most wing nuts. They have an agenda, and they found the best way to further that agenda is to make stuff up. They know they cannot use facts or logic as both are not on their side.

I think their agenda is resentment and tribal/cultural fidelity. They don't like or understand liberals and they see them as both a threat and repulsive. And they live life on the surface.

Sadly they have no idea how much damage they do to their society and even themselves.

Look at the south. The south uses more social services than anyone i.e. food stamps, etc. yet they vote for Republican's who want to take them away.

E..g. they tend to not like say Bill Moyer's whom we all know as one of the most honest and informed folks in the country.

Go figure?

PS when any of us posts too much reality they turn their eyes away.



To: combjelly who wrote (795117)7/15/2014 12:54:18 PM
From: koan  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 1577919
 
Why conservatives are what they are:

Scientists Are Beginning To Figure Out Why Conservatives Are…Conservative

Ten years ago, it was wildly controversial to talk about psychological differences between liberals and conservatives. Today, it's becoming hard not to.—By Chris Mooney

| Tue Jul. 15, 2014 6:00 AM EDT



Email


656

Scientists are using eye-tracking devices to detect automatic response differences between liberals and conservatives. University of Nebraska-Lincoln
You could be forgiven for not having browsed yet through the latest issue of the journal Behavioral and Brain Sciences. If you care about politics, though, you'll find a punchline therein that is pretty extraordinary.

Behavioral and Brain Sciences employs a rather unique practice called "Open Peer Commentary": An article of major significance is published, a large number of fellow scholars comment on it, and then the original author responds to all of them. The approach has many virtues, one of which being that it lets you see where a community of scholars and thinkers stand with respect to a controversial or provocative scientific idea. And in the latest issue of the journal, this process reveals the following conclusion: A large body of political scientists and political psychologists now concur that liberals and conservatives disagree about politics in part because they are different people at the level of personality, psychology, and even traits like physiology and genetics.

That's a big deal. It challenges everything that we thought we knew about politics—upending the idea that we get our beliefs solely from our upbringing, from our friends and families, from our personal economic interests; and calling into question the notion that in politics, we can really change (most of us, anyway).

It is a "virtually inescapable conclusion" that the "cognitive-motivational styles of leftists and rightists are quite different."
The occasion of this revelation is a paper by John Hibbing of the University of Nebraska and his colleagues, arguing that political conservatives have a "negativity bias," meaning that they are physiologically more attuned to negative (threatening, disgusting) stimuli in their environments. In the process, Hibbing et al. marshall a large body of evidence, including their own experiments using eye trackers and other devices to measure the involuntary responses of political partisans to different types of images. One finding? That conservatives respond much more rapidly to threatening and aversive stimuli (for instance, images of "a very large spider on the face of a frightened person, a dazed individual with a bloody face, and an open wound with maggots in it," as one of their papers put it.)

In other words, the conservative ideology, and especially one of its major facets—centered on a strong military, tough law enforcement, resistance to immigration, widespread availability of guns—would seem well tailored for an underlying, threat-oriented biology.

The authors go on to speculate that this ultimately reflects an evolutionary imperative. "One possibility," they write, "is that a strong negativity bias was extremely useful in the Pleistocene," when it would have been super helpful in preventing you from getting killed. (The Pleistocene epoch lasted from roughly 2.5 million years ago until 12 thousand years ago.) We had John Hibbing on the Inquiring Minds podcast earlier this year, where he discussed these ideas in depth; you can listen here:

Hibbing and his colleagues make an intriguing argument in their latest paper, but what's truly fascinating is what happened next. Twenty-six different scholars or groups of scholars then got an opportunity to tee off on the paper, firing off a variety of responses. But as Hibbing and colleagues note in their final reply, out of those responses, "22 or 23 accept the general idea" of a conservative negativity bias, and simply add commentary to aid in the process of "modifying it, expanding on it, specifying where it does and does not work," and so on. Only about three scholars or groups of scholars seem to reject the idea entirely.

That's pretty extraordinary, when you think about it. After all, one of the teams of commenters includes New York University social psychologist John Jost, who drew considerable political ire in 2003 when he and his colleagues published a synthesis of existing psychological studies on ideology, suggesting that conservatives are characterized by traits such as a need for certainty and an intolerance of ambiguity. Now, writing in Behavioral and Brain Sciences in response to Hibbing roughly a decade later, Jost and fellow scholars note that

There is by now evidence from a variety of laboratories around the world using a variety of methodological techniques leading to the virtually inescapable conclusion that the cognitive-motivational styles of leftists and rightists are quite different. This research consistently finds that conservatism is positively associated with heightened epistemic concerns for order, structure, closure, certainty, consistency, simplicity, and familiarity, as well as existential concerns such as perceptions of danger, sensitivity to threat, and death anxiety. [Italics added]

Back in 2003, Jost and his team were blasted by Ann Coulter, George Will, and National Review for saying this; congressional Republicans began probing into their research grants; and they got lots of hate mail. But what's clear is that today, they've more or less triumphed. They won a field of converts to their view and sparked a wave of new research, including the work of Hibbing and his team.

"One possibility," note the authors, "is that a strong negativity bias was extremely useful in the Pleistocene," when it would have been super helpful in preventing you from getting killed.
Granted, there are still many issues yet to be worked out in the science of ideology. Most of the commentaries on the new Hibbing paper are focused on important but non-paradigm shifting side issues, such as the question of how conservatives can have a higher negativity bias, and yet not have neurotic personalities. (Actually, if anything, the research suggests that liberals may be the more neurotic bunch.) Indeed, conservatives tend to have a high degree of happiness and life satisfaction. But Hibbing and colleagues find no contradiction here. Instead, they paraphrase two other scholarly commentators (Matt Motyl of the University of Virginia and Ravi Iyer of the University of Southern California), who note that "successfully monitoring and attending negative features of the environment, as conservatives tend to do, may be just the sort of tractable task…that is more likely to lead to a fulfilling and happy life than is a constant search for new experience after new experience."

All of this matters, of course, because we still operate in politics and in media as if minds can be changed by the best honed arguments, the most compelling facts. And yet if our political opponents are simply perceiving the world differently, that idea starts to crumble. Out of the rubble just might arise a better way of acting in politics that leads to less dysfunction and less gridlock…thanks to science.



To: combjelly who wrote (795117)7/15/2014 1:32:54 PM
From: Broken_Clock  Respond to of 1577919
 
Feel free to repost this to koan…being he was on board the Hillary Train before it left the station.
_____
Who Will Challenge the Corporate Democrats?
HRC’s Candid Motto for Democratic Party: “Represent Banks”
by JEFF COHEN
In 1992, a 44-year-old attorney made the following remarkable assertion: “For goodness’ sake, you can’t be a lawyer if you don’t represent banks.”

The attorney was Hillary Clinton. She made the statement to journalists during her husband’s first campaign for president. Her legal representation of a shady savings and loan bank while working at a top corporate law firm in Arkansas (and her firm’s relations with then-governor Bill Clinton) had erupted briefly into a campaign controversy.

Mainstream pundits rarely mentioned Hillary Clinton’s extraordinary statement about lawyers and banks. Instead, they obsessed over and immortalized a remark she made minutes later – her feminist appeal: “I suppose I could have stayed home and baked cookies and had teas, but what I decided to do was pursue my profession.”

Members of elite media didn’t make an issue of Clinton’s bank comment probably because it set off no alarm bells. It sounded right to them, non-controversial, almost a truism.

Having been an attorney briefly myself, my reaction upon hearing her comment was: “I know nearly a hundred lawyers, but not one represents a bank.” My lawyer friends worked for unions, tenants, immigrants, indigent criminal defendants, civil liberties, civil rights, battered women, prisoners on death row, etc. (Which explains why I wasn’t a great fit in corporate media.)

I’ve never forgotten Clinton’s remark about representing banks because it tells us much about her worldview – both then and now that she’s even more embedded in the corporate elite (and had Rupert Murdoch host one of her senate fundraising events).

More importantly, Clinton’s comment speaks to the decline of the Democratic Party as a force that identifies with the broad public, those who often get stepped on by big banks and unbridled greed. Her remark is an apt credo for a party leadership that has spent the last quarter-century serving corporate power (through Wall Street deregulation, media dereg, NAFTA-style trade pacts, etc.) as persistently as it spews out empty rhetoric about “the needs of working families.”

Back then, it was a minor controversy that Hillary Clinton had represented a shifty S&L. Today’s Democratic elite is inextricably tied to far more powerful interests – Wall Street, big pharma, giant insurers and other pillars of the corporate 1-percent.

The problem is much broader than Hillary Clinton, extending to Team Obama that promised hope and change on the campaign trail, including a break from Clintonite insider coziness. Once in office, Obama chose:

** three successive White House chiefs of staff who’d made fortunes in the financial industry: Rahm Emanuel (amassed $16 million within a couple years of exiting the Clinton White House), William Daley (JPMorgan Chase) and Jacob Lew(Citigroup/now U.S. Treasury Secretary).

** Wall Streeters to dominate his economic team, including Clintonites like Larry Summers as chief economic advisor and Peter Orszag as budget director.

** Monsanto executives and lobbyists for influential food and agriculture posts.

** a corporate healthcare executive to preside over healthcare “reform,” while allowing pharmaceutical lobbyists to obstruct cost controls.

** an industry-connected nuclear power and fracking enthusiast as Secretary of Energy.

** two successive chairs of the Federal Communications Commission who’ve largely served corporate interests, including former lobbyist Tom Wheeler now undermining Net Neutrality.

In 2007, candidate Obama had taken on Hillary Clinton with campaign rhetoric like “I am in this race to tell the corporate lobbyists in Washington that their days of setting the agenda are over.” The day after his inauguration, he promised to “close the revolving door that lets lobbyists come into government freely.”

Despite the long-forgotten oratory, Obama recently appointed superstar lobbyist Wheeler as his FCC chair, who promptly pushed a Net Neutrality proposal undercutting an open Internet. He was top lobbyist for not one but two industries (cable TV and cell phone) regulated by the FCC – “the only person inducted into both the cable industry hall of fame and the telecom hall of fame,” according to columnist Juan Gonzalez.

If you staff your administration with corporatists, many of those individuals will ultimately opt to exit the White House to make more money working directly for big business.

In the book This Town – an insider’s account of the permanent members of The Club in D.C. who oversee the corporate state whether Democrats or Republicans hold power – journalist Mark Leibovich tracks Obama grads who moved to greener pastures. For example, Obama budget director Orszag predictably took a high-level job at Citigroup. Leibovich also mentions:

ANITA DUNN – a key 2008 campaign strategist and then White House Communications Director, she assisted Michelle Obama’s anti-obesity campaign. After exiting the White House, she became a consultant for food companies working “to block restrictions on commercials for sugary foods targeting children.” Dunn went on to consult for TransCanada in its push for approval of the Keystone XL pipeline.

JAKE SIEWERT – he left his job as a top Treasury Department official to become head of global communications for Goldman Sachs, the bailed-out-firm central to the financial meltdown. (Before the Goldman job was announced, Politico had suggested Siewert might take the helm of the purportedly progressive Center for American Progress.)

GEOFF MORRELL – chief spokesperson for Defense Secretary Robert Gates under both George W. Bush and Obama, he left that job a year after the BP oil spill in the Gulf and became head of communications for BP America. As Leibovich writes: “Bloomberg News would later report that BP’s Pentagon contracts more than doubled in the two years after it caused the biggest spill in U.S. history.”

Two realizations must be faced.

First: Whether Republicans or corporate Democrats control the White House, economic elites largely control policy – and it’s this corporate power and corruption that threatens the economic and environmental future of our country and planet.

Second: Despite gains on issues like gay rights and pot legalization, the trend since the 1980s has been economic/environmental decline alongside the solidification of corporate power and economic inequality – a long-term downward trend that has persisted through the Bill Clinton and Obama years, though at a slower rate than with the GOP in the White House.

The only way to reverse this dangerous trend is to tell the truth about and challenge corporate Democrats – including Clintonites and Obamaites – whenever and wherever feasible.

As much as I’d like to see a woman president (I have two daughters), a good place for that challenge to happen would be through a progressive candidate taking on Hillary Clinton in the 2016 Democratic primaries, if she runs. That challenger might be a Bernie Sanders or someone else.

Without that battle and many others, the corporatization of the Democratic Party and our government will continue to threaten all our futures.

As candidate Obama said in 2008: “The greatest risk we can take is to try the same old politics with the same old players and expect a different result.”

Today, trying the same old Democratic players is a risk we cannot afford.

counterpunch.org