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Politics : President Barack Obama -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: ChinuSFO who wrote (144449)7/14/2014 11:57:11 PM
From: Wharf Rat  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 149317
 
Only Cheney makes Cheney happy, but Hillary has never met a use of force she didn't support.



To: ChinuSFO who wrote (144449)7/15/2014 12:53:21 PM
From: koan  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 149317
 
Why conservatives are what they are:

Scientists Are Beginning To Figure Out Why Conservatives Are…Conservative

Ten years ago, it was wildly controversial to talk about psychological differences between liberals and conservatives. Today, it's becoming hard not to.—By Chris Mooney

| Tue Jul. 15, 2014 6:00 AM EDT



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Scientists are using eye-tracking devices to detect automatic response differences between liberals and conservatives. University of Nebraska-Lincoln
You could be forgiven for not having browsed yet through the latest issue of the journal Behavioral and Brain Sciences. If you care about politics, though, you'll find a punchline therein that is pretty extraordinary.

Behavioral and Brain Sciences employs a rather unique practice called "Open Peer Commentary": An article of major significance is published, a large number of fellow scholars comment on it, and then the original author responds to all of them. The approach has many virtues, one of which being that it lets you see where a community of scholars and thinkers stand with respect to a controversial or provocative scientific idea. And in the latest issue of the journal, this process reveals the following conclusion: A large body of political scientists and political psychologists now concur that liberals and conservatives disagree about politics in part because they are different people at the level of personality, psychology, and even traits like physiology and genetics.

That's a big deal. It challenges everything that we thought we knew about politics—upending the idea that we get our beliefs solely from our upbringing, from our friends and families, from our personal economic interests; and calling into question the notion that in politics, we can really change (most of us, anyway).

It is a "virtually inescapable conclusion" that the "cognitive-motivational styles of leftists and rightists are quite different."
The occasion of this revelation is a paper by John Hibbing of the University of Nebraska and his colleagues, arguing that political conservatives have a "negativity bias," meaning that they are physiologically more attuned to negative (threatening, disgusting) stimuli in their environments. In the process, Hibbing et al. marshall a large body of evidence, including their own experiments using eye trackers and other devices to measure the involuntary responses of political partisans to different types of images. One finding? That conservatives respond much more rapidly to threatening and aversive stimuli (for instance, images of "a very large spider on the face of a frightened person, a dazed individual with a bloody face, and an open wound with maggots in it," as one of their papers put it.)

In other words, the conservative ideology, and especially one of its major facets—centered on a strong military, tough law enforcement, resistance to immigration, widespread availability of guns—would seem well tailored for an underlying, threat-oriented biology.

The authors go on to speculate that this ultimately reflects an evolutionary imperative. "One possibility," they write, "is that a strong negativity bias was extremely useful in the Pleistocene," when it would have been super helpful in preventing you from getting killed. (The Pleistocene epoch lasted from roughly 2.5 million years ago until 12 thousand years ago.) We had John Hibbing on the Inquiring Minds podcast earlier this year, where he discussed these ideas in depth; you can listen here:

Hibbing and his colleagues make an intriguing argument in their latest paper, but what's truly fascinating is what happened next. Twenty-six different scholars or groups of scholars then got an opportunity to tee off on the paper, firing off a variety of responses. But as Hibbing and colleagues note in their final reply, out of those responses, "22 or 23 accept the general idea" of a conservative negativity bias, and simply add commentary to aid in the process of "modifying it, expanding on it, specifying where it does and does not work," and so on. Only about three scholars or groups of scholars seem to reject the idea entirely.

That's pretty extraordinary, when you think about it. After all, one of the teams of commenters includes New York University social psychologist John Jost, who drew considerable political ire in 2003 when he and his colleagues published a synthesis of existing psychological studies on ideology, suggesting that conservatives are characterized by traits such as a need for certainty and an intolerance of ambiguity. Now, writing in Behavioral and Brain Sciences in response to Hibbing roughly a decade later, Jost and fellow scholars note that

There is by now evidence from a variety of laboratories around the world using a variety of methodological techniques leading to the virtually inescapable conclusion that the cognitive-motivational styles of leftists and rightists are quite different. This research consistently finds that conservatism is positively associated with heightened epistemic concerns for order, structure, closure, certainty, consistency, simplicity, and familiarity, as well as existential concerns such as perceptions of danger, sensitivity to threat, and death anxiety. [Italics added]

Back in 2003, Jost and his team were blasted by Ann Coulter, George Will, and National Review for saying this; congressional Republicans began probing into their research grants; and they got lots of hate mail. But what's clear is that today, they've more or less triumphed. They won a field of converts to their view and sparked a wave of new research, including the work of Hibbing and his team.

"One possibility," note the authors, "is that a strong negativity bias was extremely useful in the Pleistocene," when it would have been super helpful in preventing you from getting killed.
Granted, there are still many issues yet to be worked out in the science of ideology. Most of the commentaries on the new Hibbing paper are focused on important but non-paradigm shifting side issues, such as the question of how conservatives can have a higher negativity bias, and yet not have neurotic personalities. (Actually, if anything, the research suggests that liberals may be the more neurotic bunch.) Indeed, conservatives tend to have a high degree of happiness and life satisfaction. But Hibbing and colleagues find no contradiction here. Instead, they paraphrase two other scholarly commentators (Matt Motyl of the University of Virginia and Ravi Iyer of the University of Southern California), who note that "successfully monitoring and attending negative features of the environment, as conservatives tend to do, may be just the sort of tractable task…that is more likely to lead to a fulfilling and happy life than is a constant search for new experience after new experience."

All of this matters, of course, because we still operate in politics and in media as if minds can be changed by the best honed arguments, the most compelling facts. And yet if our political opponents are simply perceiving the world differently, that idea starts to crumble. Out of the rubble just might arise a better way of acting in politics that leads to less dysfunction and less gridlock…thanks to science.



To: ChinuSFO who wrote (144449)7/15/2014 8:34:27 PM
From: RetiredNow  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 149317
 
Chinu, check this article out. This is what I proposed in my earlier post to you. Interesting stuff.

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Drivers Should Pay For the Roads They Use


By Diana Furchtgott-Roth

The Highway Trust Fund, which has a projected 10-year deficit of $172 billion, is due to run low in July, and if nothing is done the administration will have to reduce funding for states for transportation projects beginning August 1. Congress is considering replenishing the fund from general revenues.

This would be misguided. It is time for drivers pay for the roads that they use, either by charging for miles driven, or by raising the gas tax. Even better, the Highway Trust Fund should be devolved to the states, which can use whatever means they choose to raise revenue.

But with the House Ways and Means Committee's approval of a $10.5 billion cash infusion to the Highway Trust Fund last week, Congress is likely to go the short-term route to fix the nation's infrastructure funding problem. The Committee's proposed bill would fund infrastructure with a combination of smoke-and-mirrors changes in pension funding and customs user fees, and a transfer from the Leaking Underground Storage Fund.

Although this averts the need for the administration to reduce funding for roads and bridges in August, it has two major flaws. It is a short-term solution, yet another Band-Aid on a long-term problem. Plus, it forces the general public, rather than drivers, to pay for drivers. Just as with any other commodity, roads should be funded by those who use them in proportion to how much they drive.

The fuel tax has grown to 18.4 cents per gallon for gasoline and gasohol and 24.4 cents for diesel from 3 cents per gallon in 1956. It is still not enough to reimburse states for transit projects.

Revenues to the trust fund have declined as cars have become more fuel-efficient. This is projected to continue as people replace their old cars with newer ones. During the Great Recession, Americans drove less, but this may change if the economy improves and gasoline prices decline. With gas near $4 a gallon, people are reducing their trips.

One sensible solution to the Highway Trust Fund's declining revenues has been proposed by Representative Earl Blumenauer, a Democrat from Oregon. On Friday he gave a speech at the Center for American Progress proposing to replace the gas tax with a fee for miles travelled. More fuel-efficient cars, and electric cars, would pay the same amount for roads as gas guzzlers. That makes sense because they impose the same costs on roads and on other drivers.

Rep. Blumenauer said, "Now the time is right to replace the gas tax because it's no longer an accurate reflection of road use and benefit because of these wildly changing fuel consumption patterns and replace it with a vehicle mile travelled fee, regardless of the choice of vehicle fuel. That technology is available."

His bill, the Road Usage Fee Pilot Program Act of 2013, would set up a Road Usage Fee Pilot Program to make competitive grants to transportation authorities in federal and state governments to conduct pilot studies on replacing the gas tax with mileage-based fee systems. Such pilot programs have been already conducted successfully in Oregon. These revenues would fund transportation infrastructure.

Rep. Blumenauer's companion bill would increase the gas tax to 33.3 cents per gallon between 2016 and 2024 while mileage-based fees were being developed. After 2024, the nation would transition to a fee on miles driven.


A tax on vehicle miles travelled would be more efficient than a gas tax. Not only would all drivers pay, but the charge could vary depending on the time of day of travel and the roads used so as to reduce congestion and make traffic flow more smoothly-lowering travel time and reducing emissions. Traffic moves faster if only a small percentage of people shift their trips.

But this proposal is unlikely to pass Congress. People are concerned about government tracking, even though taxing the miles you drive does not have to mean that the government, or any other entity, knows where you drive. Rep. Blumenauer is a Democrat in a Republican-controlled Congress, making it unlikely that his bill will make it out of committee.

Alternatively, Senators Bob Corker (R-TN) and Chris Murphy (D-CT) have proposed raising the gas tax by 12 cents a gallon over two years, and then indexing it to inflation, to replenish the Highway Trust Fund. This appears to be more likely to pass because it is bipartisan.

A gas tax to refill the Highway Trust Fund should be more properly regarded as a user fee than a tax. Road users cause wear and tear on the roads, road repairs need to be funded, and the Highway Trust Fund is the only major funding mechanism that America has at the present.

Many improvements could be made in the design of the Highway Trust Fund in order to get more bang for the gas tax bucks. Its current design originated through lobbying from different interest groups, rather than from any tax efficiency grounds.

The Highway Trust Fund comes with expensive federal laws and regulations, including requirements for environmental impact statements that add years to project construction.

For instance, the Department of Transportation should no longer require states to use gas tax funds to pay for mass transit. About 15 percent of trust funds go to mass transit. Some states, such as New York, Massachusetts, and Maryland have extensive public transit systems. Others, such as Nebraska, Kansas, and Montana, do not. It is inefficient to place the same mass transit requirements on all states.

Additionally, workers employed on projects funded by the Highway Trust Fund now have to be paid at higher wage rates, either through the Davis Bacon wage scale or Project Labor Agreements. This results in fewer projects and higher costs for states. An improved policy would let the states choose their own wage scales as long as they comply with the Fair Labor Standards Act.

The shortfall in the Highway Trust Fund gives Congress a perfect opportunity to pass a better system, such as charging drivers for miles travelled. As Chicago Mayor Rahm Emanuel said in 2009, Congress should not let a good crisis go to waste, in this case by throwing yet another Band Aid on infrastructure construction.