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To: John F. Dowd who wrote (14982)12/17/1997 3:38:00 AM
From: Gerald R. Lampton  Respond to of 24154
 
>Monopoly by size was shot down a long time ago . . .

Well, then I guess the idea of "monopoly by size" would be what Lessig would call a "contested discourse."

In the context of a contested discourse, Lessig's advice to a court would be to defer to a branch of government with stronger democratic credentials, unless the rationale for imposing the regulation is being challenged successfully in the social discourse by some longstanding traditionally-recognized right. It's a case of Erie effect I and Erie effect II (and if you want to know what Erie I and II mean, go read the article):

Example of Erie I:

Chevron: Chevron U.S.A. Inc. v. Natural Resources Defense Council is the Erie-effect applied to reading. It had long been the duty of the Court to say what statutes mean, whether administrative law statutes or not. Over time, this practice became more contestable, as statutes became more extensive or complex, and as the constructive aspect of this interpretive practice became more plain. Interpretation seemed less law finding than law making, and this law making by courts raised an illegitimacy cost. In Chevron, the Court acknowledged this cost, at least in the context of ambiguous statutes. And to avoid it, the Court established a rule that shifted interpretive law making with ambiguous statutes to the agencies charged with the implementation of those statutes. The stronger democratic pedigree of those agencies, the Court wrote, justified their engaging in this law making practice rather than the Court.

* * *
Erie II:

As applied to individual rights, however, the formulation is much more familiar. With 'non-preferred' federal rights--for example, the right to liberty under the Due Process Clause--an individual has a right to liberty, unless the government can show a justification to invade that right. With economic liberty, the necessary showing is quite slight. With the liberty to travel, the necessary showing is quite heavy. In either case, the point is this: Regardless of how strong the showing must be, the mechanics of both state and individual rights is the same. If the government cannot make a sufficiently strong showing, then the defaults are to the liberty or immunity protected in the right.

Lessig, FIDELITY AND CONSTRAINT, 65 Fordham L. Rev. 1365, 1410, 1413 (1997).

Given the "quite slight" justification necessary in his mind to justify economic regulation, I don't think, based on his published writings, that Microsoft's "right" to market its products in the manner it sees fit would, in any way "trump" in Lessig's mind the government's interest in regulating its conduct. So, the question would become what the antitrust law required the court to do. And, if the issue there were contested, I think Lessig's published writings would counsel deference -- to the Department of Justice's interpretation of the antitrust law as well as its decisions as to when and how to enforce it.

Obviously, I have no idea what Lesig would do in his role as a Special Master in the Microsoft case. But I cannot help but think that his views on the appropriate institutional roles of the courts and the democratically elected executive branch and Congress will inform how he goes about his task.

>The rest of it box 1 through 4 is the stuff balloons fly on

Well, then, I guess the folks at Microsoft had better learn the finer points of the sport of hot air ballooning!