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Politics : Formerly About Advanced Micro Devices -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?

To: i-node who wrote (885873)	9/7/2015 6:27:59 PM
From: tejek	Read Replies (1) \| Respond to of 1578238

A remarkable look at the gap between black and white unemployment By Philip Bump August 4 We've noted in the past that black unemployment has exceeded white unemployment nationally in every single month since the Bureau of Labor Statistics began keeping records. In fact, it has always been at least two-thirds higher. Every month. Valerie Wilson at the Economic Policy Institute breaks out data on unemployment by race and state and quarter, allowing for a more refined look at this racial split on jobs. "Nationally" in the second quarter, she writes, "African Americans had the highest unemployment rate, at 9.5 percent, followed by Latinos (6.6 percent), whites (4.6 percent), and Asians (3.8 percent)." What's more, she notes, the state with the lowest black unemployment, Tennessee, had the same unemployment rate for blacks as the white unemployment rate in the state with the highest white unemployment. The most dramatic way to look at it, though, is by toggling through the tabs below. The first map shown indicates total unemployment, according to EPI data. Click through to see white, black and Hispanic unemployment. (States with cross-hatching on the charts below didn't have enough population among the racial group to be statistically significant.) washingtonpost.com

To: i-node who wrote (885873)	9/7/2015 6:45:46 PM
From: tejek	Respond to of 1578238

No mention of a minimum wage problem........the only reason why winger think tanks are making the argument is because they don't want the min wage to go up. But 'the science' behind it is like much of the science behind winger theories.........its may up of candy cotton and deep fried butter. Racial differences in youth employment Rosella M. Gardecki Work experience at an early age positively impacts labor force attachment of different racial groups; however, racial gaps in employment that are present in the early teen years seem to continue into adulthood <snip> What previous research shows According to recent figures, racial differentials in employment have continued into the present decade, improved economic conditions notwithstanding.5 Despite the sizable gap in employment for teens, only a limited number of studies focus on this group; most researchers consider differences in labor force status among older workers who have finished their formal education. In one of the few studies to examine jobholding among younger teens, Robert Michael and Nancy Brandon Tuma used data from the NLSY79 to consider differential employment effects for 14- and 15-year-old workers.6 Nearly 25 percent of 14-year-olds reported being employed at the time of the survey, and this percentage increased for each age group. White teens were more likely to be employed than their black or Hispanic counterparts at any age. Further, 16- and 17-yearold youths who reported employment prior to the age of 16 were more likely to be employed and were working more hours than those without prior experience. Most of the remaining research focuses on racial differences in employment among older teens—those who are at least aged 16 years.7 Although debate continues regarding which factors cause the differential, a number of characteristics have been identified. These factors can be grouped into four areas: individual characteristics, family determinants, neighborhood and geographic factors, and spatial mismatch measures. Individual characteristics. Aside from the typical demographic characteristics (for example, age, race, gender, schooling), other individual characteristics may impact on the probability of a youth working. In particular, a number of studies focus on the relationship between employment and criminal activity. Not surprisingly, most of these studies support the hypothesis that crime and employment are competing forces for a youth’s time.8 As a result, participation in criminal activity decreases the probability that a teen is employed. Richard Freeman used self-reports of criminal activity as a measure of the tradeoff between crime and employment. He found that youths who reported committing a crime in the previous month were less likely to be employed than those who did not report criminal activity. Least likely to be employed were youths who reported high income from criminal activities or who had been jailed in the previous year.9 John Bound and Richard Freeman, and Jeff Grogger found that a proportion of the employment differential between black and white youths can be attributed to whether a youth has a criminal record.10 These figures do not necessarily result entirely from a time tradeoff between criminal activity and employment, because an arrest may signal to employers that the youth will not be a dedicated worker. On the other hand, using the National Longitudinal Survey of Young Men, Freeman found that church attendance is a strong indication that a youth will “escape” a background of poverty to become employed.11 Family characteristics. Characteristics of the youth’s family may also affect his or her probability of working. These factors may either indicate unobserved family characteristics that promote labor market attachment or point to household characteristics that may ease the youth’s transition into the labor market (for example, established job networks or employment opportunities that arise through another household member’s work). Factors most often considered include the employment behavior of the respondent’s parents and siblings, single parent households, and the poverty status of the household. Mary Corcoran, Richard Gordon, Deborah Laren, and Gary Solon used a sample of men from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID) to examine the relationship between family, community, and employment.12 Their strongest result indicates that family or community welfare receipt negatively affects the men’s probability of working; not surprisingly, those from families who have spent more time in poverty are also less likely to work. Albert Rees and Wayne Gray found that parental characteristics have no effect on employment, while siblings who work positively affect the respondent’s work behavior.13 Neighborhood and geographic factors. A number of studies have found that the characteristics of the youth’s geographic area—and especially the immediate neighborhood— affect whether a youth begins working at an early age. The types of jobs prevalent in the region may determine the availability of teen jobs; for example, areas dominated by heavy industry may present teens with fewer opportunities due to safety regulations. In addition, neighborhood factors may impact on the probability of working in two ways, according to Bruce Weinberg, Patricia Reagan, and Jeffrey Yankow.14 First, these factors may influence the decision to work by changing the stigma attached to unemployment; for example, a neighborhood with a high unemployment rate may attach Monthly Labor Review August 2001 53 less of a stigma to not working than may a low-unemployment neigborhood. read more................ bls.gov