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Politics : Formerly About Advanced Micro Devices -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: i-node who wrote (955346)8/9/2016 12:48:06 PM
From: bentway  Respond to of 1586629
 
You're welcome to the place, Dave, with it's massive 6 electoral votes! Polls matter little there, it's what the church dog whistles before election day.



To: i-node who wrote (955346)8/9/2016 12:55:01 PM
From: bentway  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 1586629
 
Trump Time Capsule #72: 'Most Reckless President in American History'



James Fallows :: The Atlantic
by James Fallows


Noted as part of the ongoing record, the extraordinary statement signed yesterday by 50 veterans of national-security policy in Republican administrations, arguing that Donald Trump would be “a dangerous President and would put at risk our country’s national security and well being.” You can read the original document here, and a NYT story about it here.

Why this is extraordinary:

That it exists at all. Election-year rhetoric usually brings statements about candidates who are “wrong” or “unprepared” or “weak” or “bad choices for America” or what have you. And usually these are from people in the trenches of political warfare, not from the career policy-expert class.

This statement is not part of political-debate-as-usual. It’s one more, and in its way the most dramatic, in the recent series of unusual, “this time it’s different” statements of flat disqualification. Recent examples include: the comment by the incumbent president (Obama) that a nominee (Trump) is “ unfit” to serve; the observation by a former CIA head that a foreign government had flattered and conned a nominee and turned him into an “unwitting agent of the Russian Federation”; and the warning from a former allied Prime Minister that a candidate presents “a serious threat to the security of the west.”
Who signed it. If you have followed the ins and outs of foreign policy over the years, you will instantly recognize most of these names, and you will also understand that they are bona fide Republicans and conservatives. Some mainly had military, diplomatic, or intelligence careers before rising to senior posts in (mainly) Republican administrations: for instance, John Negroponte, a longtime diplomat who became Director of National Intelligence under GW Bush. Some have had multiple policy positions in GOP administrations: for instance, Robert Zoellick, who became U.S. Trade Representative, Deputy Secretary of State, and then president of the World Bank under GW Bush. Others have been in and out of academia and government. Philip Zelikow, a scholar who was lead author of the 9/11 Commission Report and was State Department counselor under Condoleezza Rice (and whom I’ve come to know as a friend) has signed on. So has Tom Ridge, former Republican governor of Pennsylvania and first Secretary of Homeland Security under GW Bush. So has his successor at DHS, Michael Chertoff.
I could add a note about almost every person on the list, but I’ll just say: in most Republican administrations, you’d expect to see lots of these same names in serious foreign-policy jobs, and many others as part of the informal brains-trust. Why does this matter? First, it means that they have some standing to speak. Second, it means that they have something to lose.

The sympathetic view of the failures by Paul Ryan, Marco Rubio, Rob Portman, and others to separate themselves from Trump is that they can’t “take the risk.” The people signing this latest letter are taking a quite definite personal and career risk. For the ones still interested in appointive office, the next Republican administration is their next realistic chance for a job. But they’re saying: that’s not worth tolerating Trump. As someone with comparable experience, but mainly with Democratic politicians, wrote me about the letter: “Their bravery in warning about Trump—at personal risk and sacrifice—deserves to be remembered and honored.”


What they said. This is a very tough statement. Again, if you have followed the ins and outs of foreign policy over the years, you will understand that they are bona fide Republicans and conservatives. It’s worth reading the argument, not just the signatory list, because of the clarity with which they make their case. Sample:

“He is unable or unwilling to separate truth from falsehood. He does not encourage conflicting views. He lacks self-control and acts impetuously. He cannot tolerate personal criticism. He has alarmed our closest allies with his erratic behavior. All of these are dangerous qualities in an individual who aspires to be President and Commander-in-Chief, with command of the U.S. nuclear arsenal.”***

I don’t know whether this will change anyone’s mind, but it is one more sign that Trump, as candidate, really is different from the array of nominees the electorate has chosen from before.

So it is offered for the record, with 90 days to go until the election, and also with: no tax returns or plausible health report yet in prospect from the Trump campaign; no response from the campaign on the origins of the pro-Russian change in the GOP platform; no response to David Fahrenthold’s ongoing efforts for the Washington Post to see whether Donald Trump has ever actually made any of the charitable contributions he has publicized and promised; and on down the list.



To: i-node who wrote (955346)8/9/2016 2:05:03 PM
From: bentway  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 1586629
 
Who Got Us Into These Endless Wars?

17 VDARE – premier news outlet for patriotic immigration reform by Patrick J. Buchanan

Excerpt:

After the attack on 9/11, George W. Bush, with the nation and world behind him, took us into Afghanistan to eradicate the nest of al-Qaida killers.

After having annihilated some and scattered the rest, however, Bush decided to stick around and convert this wild land of Pashtuns, Hazaras, Tajiks and Uzbeks into another Iowa.

Fifteen years later, we are still there...

And the day we leave, the Taliban will return, undo all we have done, and butcher those who cooperated with the Americans.

If we had to do it over, would we have sent a U.S. army and civilian corps to make Afghanistan look more like us?

Bush then invaded Iraq, overthrew Saddam, purged the Baath Party, and disbanded the Iraqi army. Result: A ruined, sundered nation with a pro-Iranian regime in Baghdad, ISIS occupying Mosul, Kurds seceding, and endless U.S. involvement in this second-longest of American wars.

Most Americans now believe Iraq was a bloody trillion-dollar mistake, the consequences of which will be with us for decades...



To: i-node who wrote (955346)8/10/2016 11:06:59 AM
From: bentway  Respond to of 1586629
 
Trump's economic plan was a huge mistake



Jake Novak | @jakejakeny
12 Hours AgoCNBC.com

Forget the comments about Mexican immigrants. Forget calling for banning Muslims in the U.S. Forget the comments on whether the U.S. should use nuclear weapons. If you want to see something that Donald Trump has said that will finally cause permanent damage to his campaign chances, all you have to do is watch his much-anticipated economic policy speech in Detroit Monday.

Not only is Trump's plan already a flop, but it was a misstep in packaging and delivery that will extend his recent slump in the polls. And it's not because of any of the reasons you've already heard from the usual chorus of Trump critics in the media.

Trump's biggest mistake was presenting the public with a plan that was almost entirely the same kind of plan any Republican candidate of the last 36 years could have presented to the public. The newer and more marketable aspects of his plan were either barely mentioned, or not mentioned at all.
In many ways, the Trump campaign seemed to approach the speech and the rollout of the economic plan in general as if the most important goal was to present Trump as being in line with traditional Republican candidates of the past… even though those candidates have lost the popular vote in five of the last six presidential elections.
Trump cruised through the GOP primaries against all the odds by clearly separating himself from the Republican establishment. He did it in ways that have infuriated leaders of both parties and what seems like 100 percent of the news media, but he persevered.

"The maddening thing about this is that Trump’s plan does have some good new ideas, but for some reason they weren’t featured prominently enough in his speech or in the official campaign release."
And now, after a year's worth of skilled marketing that successfully separated him from that losing GOP national brand, Trump has waltzed right back into an electoral/ideological trap by delivering a speech and a plan that mostly looks like it could have been authored by Mitt Romney, John McCain and George W. Bush. By leading and dominating his speech and plan with calls for tax and regulatory cuts, Trump sounded like every Republican candidate for president since 1980. Make no mistake, more tax and regulatory cuts are exactly what this country needs. But you have to be very politically tone deaf not to notice that promoting those policies haven't really helped any Republican win the White House since 1988.

The maddening thing about this is that Trump's plan does have some good new ideas, but for some reason they weren't featured prominently enough in his speech or in the official campaign release.
Chief among those good new ideas is Trump's call to end the carried interest tax loophole. That's the rule that allows Wall Street investment-fund partners to treat their income as capital gains and pay the much lower tax rates on them. Some Republicans have favored eliminating this loophole before, but the news media has either not been aware of them or deliberately ignored them.
So, imagine the impact on that media and the voters if Trump had used the unprecedented media attention on his Detroit speech and began that address with a longer version of the anti-Wall Street tirades he's delivered on the campaign trail from time to time. Imagine if, during that tirade, he then explained his call to eliminate the carried interest break well before he talked about any tax breaks for anyone. That would have been the right way to go for a man who, before Monday, had successfully cast himself as the first anti-Wall Street/big business Republican presidential candidate since Teddy Roosevelt. As we say in the news business: "He buried the lead!" Trump did talk about how international trade deals have hurt blue collar workers, but he failed to couple that with the even more persuasive flip-side discussion about how they've greatly benefited Wall Street investors. His speech should have been dominated by those kinds of comparisons. Instead, he threw most of it away on the usual GOP mantra of lower and simplified tax rates and brackets.

And there were other missed opportunities. By delivering this speech in Detroit, Trump could have recast himself as a Jack Kemp-style Republican who understands that income and corporate tax breaks are not how you start a conversation with poor minority voters stuck in Democratic Party-dominated urban regions where the only constant is neglect. Yes, Trump did talk very briefly about how the Democratic Party has presided over Detroit's devastation, but he never adequately explained how his tax-cutting plan would help.

Trump could have used his identity as the consummate New Yorker to talk about how Kemp's regulation and tax–relaxed "enterprise zones" helped turn around areas like Harlem. Instead, there was no mention of enterprise zones at all. And Trump failed to include any personal stories at all in his speech and those kinds of narratives are crucial if you want to find some way to make cold economic data and plans resonate with the voters. He did talk briefly about how, as a New Yorker, he saw then-Senator Hillary Clinton's failed economic promises in the state. But that was too little and too late.

You have to ask what the point was of Trump using the national stage in Detroit to deliver an address that seemed to really be directed at traditional Republicans only. Yes, Trump probably wants to bring more of them back into the fold in the wake of so many GOP defections to Hillary Clinton lately. But even if Trump could get them all back, it still wouldn't be enough. His best chance to win has always been the risky-but-necessary creation of a new base of voters. And that's even though that strategy has predictably lost him the support of some GOP base voters and Republican elected leaders.

Almost every news media pundit is bashing the details of Trump's plan based on their same old left-leaning economic theories and dogma about tax cuts. Like every liberal critic since 1980, they're insisting Trump's plan will blow up the debt, the same debt they don't ever seem to care about when it's being blown up by out-of-control spending.

At the same time, they're giving Trump a bit of begrudging praise for remaining reserved during the address, enduring the multiple heckling incidents, and sticking to the teleprompter. In other words, Trump is getting bashed for presenting a plan that sounds like it came from Mitt Romney while being praised for acting a little more like Mitt Romney. Big deal. It's inexcusable for the Trump campaign and Trump himself not to recognize that the key to his success has been that he doesn't look, sound, or act like any major presidential candidate of the past. What Trump did in Detroit was not what he's been doing to win so far, and it's not the way to win now.

The news media doesn't know this and never will, but that speech was much more lethal to the Trump campaign than any of his controversial comments over the past year.

Commentary by Jake Novak, supervising producer of " Power Lunch." Follow him on Twitter @jakejakeny.
For more insight from CNBC contributors, follow @CNBCopinion on Twitter.

http://www.cnbc.com/2016/08/09/trumps-economic-plan-was-a-huge-mistake-commentary.html



To: i-node who wrote (955346)8/10/2016 1:21:44 PM
From: bentway  Respond to of 1586629
 
What politicians aren't saying about declining manufacturing jobs

Posted 12:00 p.m. yesterday
wral.com
By Sarah Anderson, Deseret News

Jobs are a major platform plank for both political parties this election, but neither side has addressed how automation has and will eliminate working-class jobs, observers have noted.

“Job losses due to automation and robotics are often overlooked in discussions about the unexpected rise of outside political candidates like (Donald) Trump and Bernie Sanders,” Moshe Vardi, an artificial-intelligence expert at Rice University, noted in a press release before the parties’ conventions.
Manufacturing in the U.S. has already been hit by the effects of automation, with its output at an “all-time high” even as its employment has been falling for longer than 30 years, Vardi stated.
And automation leads not just to job loss but widens class differences as well, Vardi stated. There’s evidence the declining middle class is tied to the rise of automation, and it's this “subsequent undercurrent of misery" from class differences "that is driving support of Trump,” Vardi continued.

However, GOP nominee Trump has attributed the loss of American manufacturing jobs to his Democratic rival Hillary Clinton, not the growing trend of automation in factories, Vox noted in an article highlighting the unawareness of politicians that robotics has had on jobs.

As much as 45 percent of U.S. jobs could be automated with technology, estimated McKinsey & Company in November.

The transportation field is likely to be the next impacted by automation, as self-driving cars catch on, GeekWire noted. Vardi told GeekWire in an email such automated transport could kill millions of jobs.

Vox dove deeper into this in another article, saying about 1.8 million truckers would be put out of a job once automated trucks were available. The technology is still years of software development and tests away, addressing how trucks would get on and off freeways and safely navigate city streets.

So far, automation has upset mainly jobs with routines based around “a narrow set of rule-based and repetitive tasks,” GeekWire noted. In the years to come, artificial intelligence is likely to disrupt less routine and more complex jobs, like journalism and medicine, it continued.

The Financial Times columnist Robin Harding, however, pointed out a disconnect between what people think robots are capable of and what roboticists know they’re capable of. Roboticists, he wrote, have a habit of being honest and even humble about the field.
“The robot brain is developing incredibly fast. The biggest problem is the hands that do the work,” Junji Tsuda, former president of Yaskawa Electric Corporation, told the Financial Times last year. “They’re not going to develop on an exponential curve, like computers. It’s going to be linear, steady growth.”
Computing-linked technology, such as artificial intelligence, is what has the highest potential for rapid advancement, Harding said.

“It is easier to imagine driverless cars routinely on the roads in the near future — largely a computing challenge — than it is to imagine robots on the pavement next to them,” Harding wrote. “Computers may displace a lot of drivers but it will be harder for robots to displace the postal workers.”

Read more at deseretnews.com