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To: Ron who wrote (404995)4/9/2019 12:44:15 PM
From: Alex MG  Respond to of 541933
 
too late... we are beyond 1984... Orwell is rolling in his grave

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Trump’s America has reached scandal overload. Can democracy survive it?

By Brian Klaas
Post contributor
April 9 at 11:46 AM
Over the weekend, Kirstjen Nielsen resigned as homeland security secretary. But buried in the reporting about her resignation was an alarming nugget: President Trump repeatedly pressured her to engage in illegal behavior — to sidestep the rule of law. That should be disqualifying conduct for any president. But it won’t have any discernible impact on Trump. He won’t lose any votes because of it. It won’t even make many headlines. Instead, it remains buried within a bigger story about the resignation of a cabinet secretary who was effectively imprisoning children after tearing them away from their parents at the border.

Worse still, that’s a comparatively minor scandal these days. Trump has almost certainly committed federal crimes by directing alleged hush-money payments and reimbursing them while in office. There is strong evidence he engaged in criminal tax fraud for decades. He attackedhurricane victims like a social media bully while an estimated 3,000 of them died on his watch. And his entourage is defined by criminal or corrupt conduct, including close associates who are now in jail and family members who should be allowed into the White House only on a visitor pass.

The United States has reached scandal overload, a political tipping-point when the news is so overloaded with corrupt or criminal behavior that it has already become the new normal. We’ve started to tune it out. Another indictment? Another abuse of office for private gain? Welcome to your average Tuesday in the Trumpiverse.

It might sound strange, but scandals are a barometer for democracy. In particular, there are two key metrics: how often they occur and whether they produce serious consequences.

North Koreans don’t hear about the murderous abuses of their glorious leader because there’s nobody willing to blow the whistle, to tell the truth, to override state media. The scandals never see the light of day. They are buried. And even if a scandal did emerge, the ruling regime enjoys complete impunity. Totalitarianism is defined by a lack of both scandals and consequences.

In other words, since there’s always scandalous behavior in politics, a complete absence of scandals often marks the death knell of democracy — a worrying sign that the watchdogs have been put to sleep.

On the opposite end, the healthiest democracies have a low but sustained number of scandals. And crucially, those scandals are meaningful — they come with costs. Those who engage in scandals lose their jobs. Some get indicted. The specter of accountability is a forceful deterrent. That’s where you want to be: Small scandals pop up every so often, but they are dealt with harshly when they inevitably emerge.

The United States under Trump now occupies an ugly middle ground studded with red flags. Those red flags signal a system lurching away from democratic accountability and toward authoritarian impunity. Instead of minor and infrequent scandals, Trump has produced scandal overload — in which the watchdogs are more like golden retrievers at an exploding tennis ball factory trying to figure out which one to chase, only to be distracted by a new one a moment later.

And unfortunately, when the watchdogs do catch a scandal, fewer and fewer people seem to care. Sure, Paul Manafort is behind bars, but it’s clear that the man at the top can lie and cheat and stretch the limits of the law with impunity. It has become an accepted fact that there’s pretty much nothing that can convince Republicans in Congress that Trump’s scandals merit a response beyond the occasional meaningless rhetorical tut-tut. And voters can’t keep track of all the scandals anymore either, reducing the impact of any one.

Trump grasped that dynamic early on, boasting of his ability to shoot an innocent person and face no consequences. But that campaign statement proved prescient, a “joke” that laid bare an uncomfortable truth about the fragility of democratic accountability. Too many politicians and too many voters who elect them care about “winning” more than playing by the rules.

Worryingly, Trump’s ability to weather scandals in an era of hyper-polarization is showing others how to do the same. Nobody lost their job from the disturbing cascade of scandals in Virginia. Montana’s lone congressman, Greg Gianforte, violently assaulted a reporter and subsequently got elected and reelected. California Congressman Duncan Hunter was indicted for allegedly stealing campaign funds, planning to claim that he was buying golf balls for veterans rather than funneling the money to himself and his wife. Voters sent him back to Congress. Politicians have heard the message loud and clear: In the Trump era, you can get away with it.

The 2020 election is our last line of defense, our last remaining backstop. It is an opportunity for voters to send a new message to politicians: the era of impunity is over, and it’s time you paid the price.



To: Ron who wrote (404995)4/9/2019 12:47:35 PM
From: Cautious_Optimist  Read Replies (3) | Respond to of 541933
 
You mean spinners like Candace Owens?

mediaite.com



To: Ron who wrote (404995)8/20/2019 5:20:44 PM
From: Sam1 Recommendation

Recommended By
Ron

  Respond to of 541933
 
Deeply disturbing....

Paging Big Brother: In Amazon’s Bookstore, Orwell Gets a Rewrite
As fake and illegitimate texts proliferate online, books are becoming a form of misinformation. The author of “1984” would not be surprised.
By David Streitfeld
Aug. 19, 2019

SAN FRANCISCO — In George Orwell’s “1984,” the classics of literature are rewritten into Newspeak, a revision and reduction of the language meant to make bad thoughts literally unthinkable. “It’s a beautiful thing, the destruction of words,” one true believer exults.

Now some of the writer’s own words are getting reworked in Amazon’s vast virtual bookstore, a place where copyright laws hold remarkably little sway. Orwell’s reputation may be secure, but his sentences are not.

Over the last few weeks I got a close-up view of this process when I bought a dozen fake and illegitimate Orwell books from Amazon. Some of them were printed in India, where the writer is in the public domain, and sold to me in the United States, where he is under copyright.

Others were straightforward counterfeits, like the edition of his memoir “Down and Out in Paris and London” that was edited for high school students. The author’s estate said it did not give permission for the book, printed by Amazon’s self-publishing subsidiary. Some counterfeiters are going as far as to claim Orwell’s classics as their own property, copyrighting them with their own names.

What unites all these books is that none of them paid the author anything, which means they could compete with legal Orwell titles as a lower-cost alternative. After all, if you need a copy of “Animal Farm” or “1984” for school, you’re not going to think too much about who published it. Because all editions of “1984” are the same, right?

Not always, not on Amazon.

One reader discovered, to his surprise, that his new copy of “1984” had passages that were “worded slightly different.” Another offered photographic proof that her edition was near gibberish. A third said the word “faces” was replaced in his copy with “feces.” Getting Orwell books that skip a chunk of pages seemed to be a routine experience.

continues at nytimes.com