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Politics : Formerly About Advanced Micro Devices -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Brumar89 who wrote (1188350)12/27/2019 8:08:56 AM
From: Brumar892 Recommendations

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Replying to @nytimes @LarryBoorstein
Gallagher shot a little girl in the stomach, her terrified friends had to drag her body away from the scene. EVERY SINGLE MEMBER Of Gallagher’s Navy Seal Team TESTIFIED AGAINST HIM UNDER OATH.

TheValuesVoter Retweeted

The New York Times?Verified account @nytimes

The men of Alpha Platoon, SEAL Team 7, described Chief Gallagher as “freaking evil” and “toxic” in videos not shown publicly before. The remarks are blistering testimony about their platoon chief, who was protected by President Trump from punishment.

Anguish and Anger From the Navy SEALS Who Turned In Edward Gallagher
Video interviews and group texts obtained by The Times show men describing their platoon leader in grim terms.

See never-before-released video and confidential interviews with the Navy SEALs who accused Special Operations Chief Edward Gallagher of war crimes.CreditCredit...John Gastaldo/Zuma Wire
By Dave Philipps
Dec. 27, 2019Updated 5:24 a.m. ET

[Watch a special Times documentary featuring combat video and confidential interviews with the Navy SEALs who accused their chief of war crimes, streaming on Hulu.]

The Navy SEALs showed up one by one, wearing hoodies and T-shirts instead of uniforms, to tell investigators what they had seen. Visibly nervous, they shifted in their chairs, rubbed their palms and pressed their fists against their foreheads. At times they stopped in midsentence and broke into tears.

“Sorry about this,” Special Operator First Class Craig Miller, one of the most experienced SEALs in the group, said as he looked sideways toward a blank wall, trying to hide that he was weeping. “It’s the first time — I’m really broken up about this.”

Video recordings of the interviews obtained by The New York Times, which have not been shown publicly before, were part of a trove of Navy investigative materials about the prosecution of Special Operations Chief Edward Gallagher on war crimes charges including murder.

They offer the first opportunity outside the courtroom to hear directly from the men of Alpha platoon, SEAL Team 7, whose blistering testimony about their platoon chief was dismissed by President Trump when he upended the military code of justice to protect Chief Gallagher from the punishment.

“The guy is freaking evil,” Special Operator Miller told investigators. “The guy was toxic,” Special Operator First Class Joshua Vriens, a sniper, said in a separate interview. “You could tell he was perfectly O.K. with killing anybody that was moving,” Special Operator First Class Corey Scott, a medic in the platoon, told the investigators.

Such dire descriptions of Chief Gallagher, who had eight combat deployments and sometimes went by the nickname Blade, are in marked contrast to Mr. Trump’s portrayal of him at a recent political rally in Florida as one of “our great fighters.”

Though combat in Iraq barely fazed the SEALs, sitting down to tell Naval Criminal Investigative Service agents about what they had seen their platoon chief do during a 2017 deployment in Iraq was excruciating for them.

Not only did they have to relive wrenching events and describe grisly scenes, they had to break a powerful unwritten code of silence in the SEALs, one of the nation’s most elite commando forces.

The trove of materials also includes thousands of text messages the SEALs sent one another about the events and the prosecution of Chief Gallagher. Together with the dozens of hours of recorded interviews, they provide revealing insights into the men of the platoon, who have never spoken publicly about the case, and the leader they turned in.

Platoon members said they saw Chief Gallagher shoot civilians and fatally stab a wounded captive with a hunting knife. Chief Gallagher was acquitted by a military jury in July of all but a single relatively minor charge, and was cleared of all punishment in November by Mr. Trump.

Video from a SEAL’s helmet camera, included in the trove of materials, shows the barely conscious captive — a teenage Islamic State fighter so thin that his watch slid easily up and down his arm — being brought in to the platoon one day in May 2017. Then the helmet camera is shut off.

In the video interviews with investigators, three SEALs said they saw Chief Gallagher go on to stab the sedated captive for no reason, and then hold an impromptu re-enlistment ceremony over the body, as if it were a trophy.

“I was listening to it, and I was just thinking, like, this is the most disgraceful thing I’ve ever seen in my life,” Special Operator Miller, who has since been promoted to chief, told investigators.

Special Operator Miller said that when the platoon commander, Lt. Jacob Portier, told the SEALs to gather over the corpse for photos, he did not feel he could refuse. The photos, included in the evidence obtained by The Times, show Chief Gallagher, surrounded by other SEALs, clutching the dead captive’s hair; in one photo, he holds a custom-made hunting knife.



This photo, recovered from Chief Gallagher’s phone after the death of an Islamic State fighter, was included in an investigative report by the Navy.

“I think Eddie was proud of it, and that was, like, part of it for him,” Special Operator Miller told investigators.

Chief Gallagher’s lawyer, Timothy Parlatore, said the video interviews were rife with inconsistencies and falsehoods that created “a clear road map to the acquittal.”

Since his arrest nearly a year ago, Chief Gallagher has insisted that the charges against him were concocted by six disgruntled SEALs in his platoon who could not meet his high standards and wanted to force him out.

“My first reaction to seeing the videos was surprise and disgust that they would make up blatant lies about me, but I quickly realized that they were scared that the truth would come out of how cowardly they acted on deployment,” Chief Gallagher said in a statement issued through his lawyer.

“I felt sorry for them that they thought it necessary to smear my name, but they never realized what the consequences of their lies would be. As upset as I was, the videos also gave me confidence because I knew that their lies would never hold up under real questioning and the jury would see through it. Their lies and N.C.I.S.’s refusal to ask hard questions or corroborate their stories strengthened my resolve to go to trial and clear my name.”

The video interviews and private group text conversations obtained by The Times do not reveal any coordinated deception among the SEALs in the chief’s platoon. Instead, they show men who were hesitant to come forward, but who urged one another to resist outside pressure and threats of violence, and to be honest.

“Tell the truth, don’t lie or embellish,” one sniper who is now in SEAL Team 6 told the others in a group text in 2017, when they first tried to report the chief. “That way, he can’t say that we slandered him in any way.”

When several SEALs in the group questioned what would come of reporting the chief to their commanders, another wrote: “That’s their decision. We just need to give them the truth.”



A group text in 2017 was among the trove of Navy investigative materials.

It is an unspoken rule among their teams that SEALs should not report other SEALs for misconduct. An internal investigation could close off choice assignments or end careers for the accusers as well as the accused. And anyone who reported concerns outside the tight-knit SEAL community risked being branded a traitor.

“In a perfect world, there would be no risk, but that is not where we are,” Rick Haas, a retired command master chief who served in the SEALs for 30 years, said in an interview with The Times. “The teams are now divided over this, like I’ve never seen happen before.”

In cramped interview rooms in San Diego, SEALs who spoke to Navy investigators painted a picture of a platoon driven to despair by a chief who seemed to care primarily about racking up kills. They described how their chief targeted women and children and boasted that “burqas were flying.”

Asked whether the chief had a bias against Middle Eastern people, Special Operator Scott replied, “I think he just wants to kill anybody he can.”

Some of the SEALs said they came to believe that the chief was purposefully exposing them to enemy fire to bait ISIS fighters into revealing their positions. They said the chief thought that casualties in the platoon would increase his chances for a Silver Star.

Special Operator Vriens told investigators he had wanted to confront the chief in Iraq but had worried that if he did, he would be cut from missions and no longer be present to protect other SEALs from the chief. As he spoke, he struggled to keep his composure.

“I can speak up, stand my ground,” he said in the interview. “He’s just going to do this to a new guy who he can manipulate. So I was like, I’m going to be his right-hand man, so — so no one else got hurt.”

He pressed his forehead into his fists and started to cry. Then he took several deep breaths, rubbed his hands together and tried to continue.

“So I worked for him and I kept my mouth shut,” he said.

The platoon members told investigators that they tried repeatedly to report what they saw, but that the chain of command above them was friendly toward Chief Gallagher and took no action. Finally, in April 2018, they went outside the SEALs to the Naval Criminal Investigative Service. Chief Gallagher was arrested a few months later.

The SEALs in the platoon were scattered to new assignments. They tried to keep tabs on the case, texting one another and commiserating over a series of setbacks, including accusations of prosecutorial misconduct, the removal of the lead prosecutor and reports that the judge overseeing the case was being investigated on suspicion of lying under oath.

“This stuff is frustrating to read and makes it seem like Eddie will possibly get away with murder (literally),” Special Operator First Class Dylan Dille texted the group. “Let’s not forget there are 7-12 of us in here who had the balls to tell the truth about what Eddie has done.”

He said he thought the case against Chief Gallagher was strong despite the procedural setbacks. “I am also convinced that we are gonna answer to a higher power someday, and everything happens for a reason,” wrote Special Operator Dille, who has since left the Navy. “Not compromising our integrity and keeping right on our side is all we can do.”

Special Operations Chief Edward Gallagher’s case continues to roil the Navy even after his acquittal on most charges after another SEAL surprised prosecutors on the stand. Watch Corey Scott’s interview and hear his testimony.
Corey Scott changed his story on the stand. What Corey Scott had told investigators multiple times beforehand is— “You say he stabbed him one time, multiple times?” “It was probably two or three times.” “O.K.” “Just like a stab about right here, just in a few times.” “Is there any possible way that what he was doing could be interpreted as for medical purposes, to help this guy.” “No.” “There was no way this was anything other than to attack and to kill this person.” “No.” “O.K.” “What did you do next?” “I stayed at the scene until the ISIS fighter asphyxiated.” The prosecutor sits down without having gotten any of the testimony he expected. And very quickly, the defense attorney stands up and starts asking— “You didn’t say that Chief Gallagher suffocated him, did you?” “No.” Well, if Eddie Gallagher didn’t kill that guy, who did? “Did Craig Miller suffocate him?” “No.” “Did you suffocate him?” “Yes.” [SCOFFS] “How?” “I held my thumb over his ET tube until he stopped breathing.” And there is just this heavy silence— “No further questions.” —because all of a sudden, you can’t get this guy for murder because someone else has just admitted to the killing.

Special Operations Chief Edward Gallagher’s case continues to roil the Navy even after his acquittal on most charges after another SEAL surprised prosecutors on the stand. Watch Corey Scott’s interview and hear his testimony.

Seven members of the 22-person platoon testified at the trial that they saw the chief commit war crimes. Two men from the platoon testified that they did not see any evidence of crimes. Others refused to cooperate with prosecutors. Crucially, one SEAL who had accused the chief during the investigation — Special Operator Scott — changed his story on the witness stand, testifying that he and not Chief Gallagher had caused the captive’s death.

Three of the men who testified at the trial left the Navy afterward, and have been trying to keep a low profile while they build civilian lives. Others are still in the SEAL teams, in some cases working on classified assignments. Some fear that coming forward has hurt their chances at success in the SEALs, but none have reported any retaliation. All of them declined to comment for this article.

Since the trial, Chief Gallagher has repeatedly insulted them on social media and on Fox News, especially Craig Miller, whom the chief singled out for weeping while talking to investigators.

Chief Gallagher retired from the Navy with full honors at the end of November, and has announced that he was starting a SEAL-themed clothing line.





A screenshot from an Instagram account belonging to Officer Gallagher and his wife shows a custom-made hatchet.

A few days after he retired, an Instagram account belonging to him and his wife posted a photo of a custom-made hatchet, forged by the same SEAL veteran who made the hunting knife he was accused of using to kill the captive. Before the deployment, Chief Gallagher had told the knife maker he hoped to “dig that knife or hatchet on someone’s skull!”

“Eddie finally got his stuff back from NCIS,” the post said, listing the hatchet among a “few of our favorite things now returned.”

Another item returned to him was a black-and-white Islamic State flag. On Saturday, Chief Gallagher presented Mr. Trump with a folded black-and-white cloth that other SEALs from the platoon said appeared to be the flag.

A post on the chief’s Instagram account said, “Finally got to thank the President and his amazing wife by giving them a little gift from Eddie’s deployment to Mosul.”

nytimes.com



To: Brumar89 who wrote (1188350)12/27/2019 9:12:46 AM
From: RetiredNow  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 1573827
 
The RCP average is 48% No to 47% Yes in December. So since the House Impeachment vote, the No's have been increasing. You guys have already lost this battle and you don't even realize it yet. I find that hilarious. You guys live in your own echo chambers so much that you don't have the ability to understand reality anymore. I think that's great, because you continue to do all the wrong things, which strengthens Trump leading into the Nov election. You are your own worst enemy and you don't even realize it.

realclearpolitics.com



To: Brumar89 who wrote (1188350)12/27/2019 9:18:42 AM
From: Bill1 Recommendation

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Trump’s re-election message will be a simple one... if you want to flush 3% unemployment and crash the stock market, vote for the Dem.



To: Brumar89 who wrote (1188350)12/27/2019 2:01:20 PM
From: FJB3 Recommendations

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YOU ARE GUARANTEED TO BE A RETARD IF YOU FELL FOR EVEN TWO OF THESE FAKE NEWS STORIES...

JUST SOME OF THE FAKE NEWS STORIES FROM THE LAST DECADE.

breitbart.com

Blue State Blues: A Decade of Fake News

| Breitbart
Joel B. Pollak

The idea of a “decade in review” article at the end of 2019 is a bit of “fake news.” Technically, the current decade does not end until December 31, 2020.

In that spirit, it is worth looking back at the past ten years through the “fake news” lens. These were years in which the mainstream media used false allegations and biased reporting to suppress conservative voices; they were also the first years in which, thanks to Andrew Breitbart, we began to resist them.

2010: Tea Party “N-word.” The media’s claimed, based on false allegations by House Democrats, that Tea Party protesters called civil rights icon Rep. John Lewis (D-GA) the “n-word” at a demonstration on Capitol Hill against Obamacare. Andrew Breitbart offered $10,000, then $100,000 to the United Negro College Fund if anyone could provide video proving the allegation. No one ever did, but the fake news tarnished the Tea Party — permanently.

2011: Sarah Palin and Tucson shooting. The media blamed former Alaska Gov. Sarah Palin for inciting a mass shooting in Tucson, Arizona because her PAC used crosshairs in an ad identifying “targeted” congressional districts, including that of wounded Rep. Gabrielle Giffords (D-AZ). The shooter turned out to be insane. In other fake news, media blamed Tea Party Republicans for the debt limit showdown, though many ultimately would vote to raise it.

2012: Mitt Romney’s taxes, and Benghazi. The media played up sensational accusations that GOP presidential nominee Mitt Romney had killed a former employee’s wife, or failed to pay taxes. These were all untrue — a fact later justified by former Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-NV), who noted with satisfaction that Romney had lost. The second presidential debate featured a CNN moderator intervening to defend Obama’s lies about Benghazi.

2013: Obamacare collapse. The media mocked and attacked Republicans after Sen. Ted Cruz (R-TX) used a “talking filibuster” to shut the government down ahead of the imminent launch of Obamacare. When Obamacare finally opened, however, the federal website did not work; one state’s insurance exchange collapsed and never recovered. In subsequent years, households were shocked by rising premiums and unaffordably high deductibles.

2014: “Hands up, don’t shoot.” The media reported — and celebrated — the infamously false claim that black teenager Michael Brown had been shot in the back while attempting to surrender to police; in fact he had grabbed an officer’s gun and was charging him when he was shot in self-defense. That fake news story damaged race relations and disrupted policing in urban neighborhoods — ironically, making black Americans more unsafe.

2015: Trump remarks on Mexicans and Muslims. In what would become the new template for coverage of Donald Trump, the media claimed that he had called all Mexican immigrants “rapists” in his campaign launch speech, though he had clearly attempted to distinguish between criminals and “good people.” His later call for a “Muslim ban,” likewise, was a response to Islamic terror, not an expression of some innate religious prejudice.

2016: Russian intervention in the election. When Trump joked at a press conference, “Russia, if you’re listening, I hope you’re able to find the 30,000 e-mails that are missing,” the media — and the Obama administration — took that as evidence that he was colluding with Russian attempts to interfere in the election. That led to surveillance of the Trump campaign and to media leaks that planted the seeds of the conspiracy theory that still haunts us to this day.

2017: Charlottesville “very fine people” hoax. President Trump condemned violence on all sides; specifically condemned racism; then noted that there were “very fine people” among non-violent protesters on both sides of the issue of the removal of a Confederate statue, adding: “I’m not talking about the neo-Nazis and the white nationalists, because they should be condemned totally.” The media later said that he had called neo-Nazis “very fine people.”

2018: “Kids in cages.” In 2014, Breitbart News broke the story that thousands of illegal alien kids were suddenly swamping the border. The media covered the story, but largely ignored that Obama had built chain-link fences in temporary holding facilities. By 2018, thy claimed Trump was putting “kids in cages” by enforcing existing laws. Latee, the media spread unsubstantiated sexual allegations against Supreme Court Justice nominee Brett Kavanagh.

2019: Ukraine phone call and impeachment. The Democrats, relying on a second- or third-hand complaint from a so-called “whistleblower,” claimed that president Trump tried to “solicit interference from a foreign country in the 2020 U.S. election.” Trump released the rough “ transcript” of the call, showing he had done nothing of the sort. The Democrats pressed ahead with impeachment, using the media to publish selective leaks of closed-door testimony.

No doubt 2020 will bring more fake news, with an impeachment trial and a presidential election looming — against the backdrop of the most successful economy in American history.

What Andrew Breitbart called the “Democrat-Media Complex” will be fighting hard, assisted by the censorship of tech giants in Silicon Valley.

However, thanks to him, the American people still have alternative media through which to find the truth, to fight back, and to win.

Updated to add Brett Kavanaugh.

Joel B. Pollak is Senior Editor-at-Large at Breitbart News. He earned an A.B. in Social Studies and Environmental Science and Public Policy from Harvard College, and a J.D. from Harvard Law School. He is a winner of the 2018 Robert Novak Journalism Alumni Fellowship. He is also the co-author of How Trump Won: The Inside Story of a Revolution, which is available from Regnery. Follow him on Twitter at @joelpollak.