too early to be concerned about that issue, but yes, it is an issue
a lot can and shall happen between now and later
first thing is first
law & order
per experience of cultural revolution
I grew up w/ the experience, and jack senior spoke much about the innards, and I append an article from NYT circa 1971
Here is the book amazon.com available courtesy of Bezos

I referenced here about spark & prairie fire Message 32907037, and the below appended 1971 article of the Peking Review

nytimes.com
Inside the Cultural Revolution: I By Jack ChenAug. 23, 1971
The New York Times Archives
See the article in its original context from August 23, 1971, Page 29 Buy Reprints View on timesmachine TimesMachine is an exclusive benefit for home delivery and digital subscribers.
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HONG KONG—What are the aims of the men who lead China now? What will be the aims of China's probable leaders tomorrow? The answers to these questions have a crucial bearing on the fate of the world in the last quarter of the twentieth century.
It is not really difficult to understand these aims. Most of the mystique about them is artificially induced by would-be interpreters. Once the characteristic political phrases have been mastered, it is relatively easy, though admittedly sometimes laborious, to read Peking's People's Daily or Red Flag, where their short-term and long-term aims are stated explicitly and explained in detail.
Unfortunately a credibility gap exists. It seems to many in both East and West that such outspokenness is too frank to be true. Past history should surely dispel such doubts. More than forty years’ experience shows that what ‘Mao says, Mao does. And Mao Tse-tung is the leader, of China today, Mao and his colleagues headed by deputy party chairman Lin Piao and Premier Chou En-lai.
The relationships within this triumvirate are exactly mirrored in their walking habits. Mao first, as impressive in serge, as before in homespun in Yenan. Following in his footsteps at half a pace, Lin Piao holding aloft the little red book. Then Chou, three paces behind, somewhat to the side, also holding the red book and leaving the acclaim wholly to the two in front. Chou is’ described as “chief-of-staff of the proletarian headquarters” headed by Mao and his deputy, Lin.
On May Day, the latest great state occasion, all these leaders were gathered on that grand stage atop the Tienanmen.. The three had ‘made their now traditional entrance. Below a million people danced or watched on the floodlit square. Dragon flies, chrysanthemum petals, and 10,000 birds sing in unison; fireworks split the night sky with spectacular bursts of color. At tables set by the white stone balustrades beneath the upswept eaves of the gate pavilion, diplomats and guests sat with Government and party offidials-enjoying the show. You could see the white hairs of Tung Pi-wu, benign, grand old man of the revolution, longtime colleague of Sun Yat-sen and then of Mao Tse-tungj Chu Teh, craggyfaced warrior who helped create the People's Army; Li Hsien-nien, slightly younger, Vice Premier and prospective Premier. Former carpenter and an intensely humane man, he was moved to tears and anger when a gang of upstarts presented him during the Cultural Revolutions with a slanderous list attacking old and respected revolutionary comrades as “counterrevolutionaries.”
In close support were the remaining marshals (Lin Mao is the youngest of them)r Liu Po-cheng, Nieh Jung-chen, Yeh Chien-ying, Hsu Hsiang-chien. Chen Yi, in poor health at the moment, conserves his energy for his work in the military affairs commission of the party's central committee. The chief of the general staff of the People's Liberation Army, Huang Yung-sheng, and his deputy, Wu Fa-hsien, both members of the politburo, are slightly younger. Huang still carries nine bullet wounds on his body from the revolutionary wars.
From the Ministry of Foreign Affairs came such, second-generation figures as Acting Foreign Minister Chi Pengfel with Chiao Kuan-hua and Huang Hua, long-time, collaborators of Premier Chou and Chen Yi. They went through the testing turmoil of the struggle against the ultraleftist 516 Clique in the ministry. When it was all over, they were rated “good men".
After watching the celebrations for a bit, Chairman Mao and Lin Piao retired for a rest. Premier Chou, untiringly affable, ready with the always appropriate answer, urbane, the indispensable third man, did the honors. He introduced, distinguished guests, put everyone at ease, reconciled those who but lately seemed perilously opposed.
He brought a foreign dignitary to Chiang Ching (Mrs. Mao) seated with Indochinese leaders at a table laden with sweets and soft drinks. (There are no hard drinks on Tienanmen), Kang Sheng was also there. With Mao, Lin Piao and Chou En-lai, he is a member of the five-man standing coinmittee of the politburo, the inner core of party leadership. But Chen Pa-ta, the fifth member, was missing. This caused some comment. But since the Chinese people are a disciplined people, the comment is discreet. And of course it does not appear in the press.
But everyone has since noted that cryptic phrase in The People's Daily, Red Flag and Liberation Army Daily editorial article on the fiftieth anniversary of the party which criticizes “the type of person who claims to be a ‘humble little commoner’ but is actually a big careerist.”
And everyone knows who used that unusual expression and in a speech at Peking University back in 1966, called himself a “small, small pupil.”
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