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Strategies & Market Trends : 2026 TeoTwawKi ... 2032 Darkest Interregnum -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Cogito Ergo Sum who wrote (163777)10/16/2020 4:52:42 PM
From: TobagoJack  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 217804
 
Re <<You do note that Mr. Xi seems to mostly have a very subtle serene smile.. almost imperceptible .. in most pictures :)>>

As often noted, that, by way of “strategic composure”, and also “imperatives lead to solutions”

Once all the solutions are in place, for everything currently known and knowable, ohwhoaweegeewhizbang arises.

In the meantime by ways of swatting flies, hunting foxes, and capturing tigers, the MMT, soon to be enhanced w/ expansion of rural land reform, and facilitated by digital block-chain, savings can do more good faster and more efficiently through drastic reduction of corruption.

All going about correct, including belt & road and greater bay initiatives.

And the growth gap opens up even as China growth decreased this pandemic year, and better, the interest rate on deposit remains in normal monetary space, positive, with strengthening currency even as gold rose.

Would say the Kyle Bass trade is going wrong.



To: Cogito Ergo Sum who wrote (163777)10/16/2020 10:12:22 PM
From: TobagoJack  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 217804
 
Whilst the French in Canada are an interesting group, the French in France more interesting. They apparently and enthusiastically signed on to the war against China as they once did back in the last few centuries.

Macron is mandated, indubitably, to pushback against China reeducation centres, by joining the Indo-Pacific gang, and continue to endanger France proper that might be in need of some serious reeducation.

In the meantime fight w/ best customer is habit forming. Let's see how French wine, cheese, luxury good do in 2021. Tourism is naturally dead in any case.

bbc.com "Macron calls Paris beheading 'Islamist terrorist attack'"

smh.com.au "France escalates China push, appoints ambassador for Indo-Pacific"



To: Cogito Ergo Sum who wrote (163777)10/17/2020 11:43:43 PM
From: TobagoJack  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 217804
 
What is Martin Armstrong referring to when he noted below ?

Trudeau in Canada with his internment camps

ask-socrates.com

Blog

I have stated that there is just no way we would see a politician risk their career on something that might happen. Here is today's Telegraph, the former head of France, Sarkozy is charged with taking money from Gaddafi. The allegations against Biden & his family are STANDARD OPERATIONAL PROCEDURE on how bribes take place in Washington. The money is given to some trusted family members but it cannot be your spouse. As the tapes from Hunter show, you won't have to give 50% to Dad.

Biden is not unique. Perhaps you will recall that the Hati mining contract when to Hillary's brother who had no experience as a miner. This is the way it is simply done. They all know the game so they do not ask questions beyond your spouse.

There is ABSOLUTELY no possible way you see these totalitarian steps take by world leaders without bribes. None of these leaders will be reelected - Merkel, Macrone, Boris Johnson, Trudeau in Canada with his internment camps, Australia fining $1600 for just saying to boot the premier, and in New Zealand.

There were a lot of people who saw what was coming from Hitler and left before it was too late. So pay attention. This could very well lead to revolutions in 2021.



To: Cogito Ergo Sum who wrote (163777)10/17/2020 11:43:46 PM
From: TobagoJack  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 217804
 
Xi kept his mouth shut back in January, December, February, etc etc per strategic composure, and kept busy

He remain pretty silent, and in any case not a tweet

A year almost over and done with, and over the Golden Week 18M folks visited Wuhan, to see and feel ground zero

wsj.com





and it was not so long ago officials of Team USA were mouthing off in what turned out to be way-too-early

vanityfair.com

Wilbur Ross: Deadly Virus Is Actually Great for America

Caleb Ecarma
January 30, 2020
As of this week, the coronavirus has killed 170 people and infected thousands more. In an unprecedented move, China is keeping 50 million people in quarantined zones and closing schools and countless other public spaces, while the World Health Organization is convening again on Thursday to consider classifying the virus as an international public health emergency. But where others see tragedy and mass panic, Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross sees economic opportunity, à la, Rahm Emanuel’s “never let a serious crisis go to waste.”

During a Fox Business appearance on Thursday, the Trump cabinet official portrayed the coronavirus as a golden chance for the U.S. to bring back manufacturing jobs lost to cheap Chinese labor over the decades. “Every American’s heart has to go out to the victims of the coronavirus, so I don’t want to talk about a victory lap over a very unfortunate, very malignant disease, but the fact is it does give businesses yet another thing to consider when they go through their review of their supply chain,” the Trump official said. (When it comes to the use of “but” in this sentence, forget everything said prior to the conjunction). “You had SARS, you have the African swine virus there, and now you have this. It’s another risk factor that people need to take into account,” he continued, before finally getting to the punch line: “It will help to accelerate the return of jobs to North America—some to U.S., probably some to Mexico as well.”

Ross’s comments fall in line with Donald Trump’s long-standing policy goal of pushing U.S. companies to produce in America, rather than outsourcing to China—a key aspect of the “phase one” trade deal he recently signed with Beijing. For his part, the president has reportedly made it a point not to mouth off about the virus, for fear of rattling the already-rattled stock market, or pissing off Beijing, which he needs to keep on his good side. “We’re very much involved with them, right now, on the virus that’s going around. We’re working very closely with China,” he told reporters in uncharacteristically muted remarks before signing the deal, adding that the situation is “totally under control.” In a tweet last week, he added: “China has been working very hard to contain the Coronavirus. The United States greatly appreciates their efforts and transparency. It will all work out well.” (This from the man who practically had a psychotic break over the Ebola virus.)

Evidently worried that everyone had gotten the wrong impression from all this positivity, White House economic council director Larry Kudlow scrambled to correct the record on Thursday. “This is not about trade or jobs or any of that…we’re trying to help them,” he told reporters, adding that Trump is “compassionate” when it comes to the Chinese. Considering we’re talking about a mega-millionaire who, during the 2019 government shutdown, advisedfurloughed employees to take out credit union loans to make up for their missing paychecks, Kudlow might have to do some more cleanup work before all this is over.



To: Cogito Ergo Sum who wrote (163777)10/22/2020 2:50:48 AM
From: TobagoJack  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 217804
 
The report on Core Comrade Xi's desk is encouraging, that globalisation not yet played out, and time enough to adjust to internally circulating domestic-oriented continental economy

Brazil should be able to continue shipping beans and iron sands, to engage w/ war against Australia until victory, then face music should Huawei be banned in the meantime, at more or less convenient time depending on PoV

ft.com

China-US shipping costs soar on pandemic restocking

American companies seek to rebuild depleted inventories ahead of holiday shopping season

yesterday


Container ships are docked at a port in Qingdao, China © Chinatopix/AP

The cost of shipping goods from Asia to the US has soared in the past month as American companies seek to restock depleted inventories ahead of the holiday season and prepare for the pandemic to worsen over the winter.

Container shipping lines had cancelled hundreds of sailings in the early months of the pandemic as countries around the world closed their borders and global trade slowed. But the reinstatement of services has yet to restore balance in a market responsible for about 90 per cent of global trade.

Long term rates to the US west coast jumped by 12.7 per cent over the weekend following a 37.2 per cent increase on October 1 — the biggest overnight jump since 2015, according to international shipping association Bimco. Prices now stand 63.4 per cent higher than on the same day in 2019.

Prices from Asia to the east coast, meanwhile, are 25 per cent higher than this time last year.

The sharp rise in rates is being driven by high demand for a wide range of Asian-manufactured goods in the US, where inventories are now at their lowest levels since 1990 as a result of shocks to supply chains earlier in the year according to David Kerstens, an analyst at Jefferies.

“Chinese production was virtually out of service during the spring and demand in the US for ecommerce in particular has gone up since then as people spend less on services because of the pandemic,” he said.

The country’s GDP grew 4.9 per cent year on year in the third quarter — a recovery from a historic decline at the start of 2020 — and exports have risen for each of the past four months, adding 10 per cent last month, their fastest increase in 2020.

Though long term shipping rates to the US coasts have risen sharply in recent weeks, they still lag far behind equivalent spot rates. In September, the Chinese government met major carriers to demand they keep prices in check.

Wary of potential breaches of competition standards, the US Federal Maritime Commission has warned that it “has heightened its scrutiny of markets, individual ocean carriers, and the three global carrier alliances in response to the unusual circumstances and challenges created by the Covid-19 pandemic”.

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Demand for goods has rebounded as lockdowns eased, causing the number of ships lying idle to fall from roughly 12 per cent of the global fleet in May to around 2 per cent today.

The pick up in supply lagged behind the growth in demand, however, meaning that even as ships were brought back into use, competition among shippers for space on board remained fierce.

Rates to Europe are increasing gradually, though not as quickly as transpacific routes, while prices from China to Australia and Brazil are also on the rise.

“The volatility explains the change in negotiation power very clearly — shippers suddenly were in a rush to secure cargo so had to accept higher prices,” says Peter Sand, an economist at Bimco.

Restrictions on port activity plus fewer flights earlier in the year have also made it difficult for ships to change their crews, leaving hundreds of thousands of seafarers stranded.

In September, Fidelity, the asset manager, called on companies and governments to tackle the issue of getting crews home. If no action is taken, the Australian Maritime Safety Authority warned, the industry could “grind to a halt”.

The staffing problems and shortages of empty containers at terminals have combined to push prices much higher than usual, according to Roberto Giannetta, head of the Hong Kong Liner Shipping Association.

“The way to deal with this for the shipping community to be able to meet the demand?.?.?.?is to increase the rates,” he said. “That’s why the rates are really at high levels”.



To: Cogito Ergo Sum who wrote (163777)10/22/2020 2:55:40 AM
From: TobagoJack  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 217804
 
enveloping drama in war within the grey zone, and let us see if European Neo politicians reject salvation vaccine as easily as turning away from life-saving masks

An earlier charm offensive by China collapsed after several European countries rejected Chinese-made masks and other protective equipment as substandard. But China “is likely to be the ultimate winner in increasing influence during the global vaccine race”, he said.
ft.com

China’s Covid-19 vaccine diplomacy steals a march on US

Beijing has promised to help developing world but regulatory and logistical hurdles loom

yesterday
A volunteer receives an injection during South Africa’s first human clinical trial for a coronavirus vaccine. Beijing has pledged to help the majority of developing nations, including the entire African continent © REUTERSChina is promising preferential access to its Covid-19 vaccines to countries across Asia, Africa and Latin America, as Beijing uses inoculations as a new tool to bolster its ties with nations neglected by the US.

Wang Yi, China’s foreign minister, has spearheaded the effort, pledging that Malaysia, Thailand, Cambodia and Laos will be among the “priority” recipients of Chinese vaccines.

China aspires to be a global vaccine supplier with four Chinese products now in phase 3 trials, the final stage intended to ensure safety and effectiveness before approval for public use.

Although US pharmaceutical groups including Johnson & Johnson and Moderna also have advanced vaccines in development, Washington has shown no interest in helping to distribute them overseas.

“The United States has ceded the field to China in terms of bilateral vaccine deals in south-east Asia,” said Aaron Connelly from the International Institute for Strategic Studies, a think-tank.

As part of China’s bid to eclipse the Trump administration and its America First agenda, Mr Wang said Beijing was ready to inoculate south-east Asia against the pandemic during a four-day trip across the region last week.

He met Indonesian officials to reaffirm an agreement signed in August between Chinese company Sinovac and Bio Farma, a state-owned pharmaceutical company in the country. Under the deal, Sinovac will provide at least 40m doses of its CoronaVac vaccine, which is in phase 3 clinic trials, by March 2021, with deliveries due to begin next month.

Coronavirus: the global race for a vaccine | FT Interview

Indonesia, with about 350,000 infections, has the highest number of cases in south-east Asia.

“This could give Beijing leverage over Indonesia if Jakarta is too reliant on Chinese vaccines, or could leave Indonesia waiting longer if the Chinese vaccines turn out to have low immunogenicity,” Mr Connelly said.

China is determined that “vaccine diplomacy” succeeds where “mask diplomacy” failed, said Huang Yanzhong from the Council on Foreign Relations, a think-tank.

An earlier charm offensive by China collapsed after several European countries rejected Chinese-made masks and other protective equipment as substandard. But China “is likely to be the ultimate winner in increasing influence during the global vaccine race”, he said.

On Tuesday China pushed back against the idea that it was using “vaccine diplomacy” to bolster influence. Zhao Xing, a foreign ministry official, said in a briefing that the goal was “co-operation” to speed up delivery for developing nations, adding: “This is China being a responsible great power.”

China’s promises of preferential access have extended beyond Asia. Beijing has pledged to help most developing countries, including the entire African continent. It has also pledged a $1bn loan to Latin American and Caribbean nations to fund procurement.

China has ended up being the only player and is likely to be the ultimate winner in increasing influence during the global vaccine race

Huang Yanzhong, Council on Foreign Relations
Brazil’s Sao Paulo state has signed a deal to receive an early shipment of 46m doses of Sinovac’s vaccine, which is in phase 3 trials in the country.

Beijing has also joined the World Health Organization-backed Covax initiative, which aims to provide 2bn vaccinations by the end of next year. The Trump administration has refused to sign up to the programme.

Experts debate whether China will be able to overcome logistical and regulatory hurdles to fulfil its grand promises. China is not alone in offering vaccines to the developing world. Indonesia also secured 100m doses of vaccines from AstraZeneca, the Anglo-Swedish pharmaceutical company, that will be delivered next year.

But strong state support and a lack of pressing demand within China, where the virus’s spread has been almost entirely halted, gives Chinese vaccine makers an advantage, according to analysts.

Being able to win — or at least establish a prominent place — in the global vaccine race would be a coup for China’s scientific development model, which carefully orchestrates collaboration between the state and private sector.

Latest coronavirus news
Follow FT's live coverage and analysis of the global pandemic and the rapidly evolving economic crisis here.

The Chinese government sees this as a “historic moment” to move beyond a string of scandals over faulty vaccinesthat damaged public trust in the sector and “leverage its economic and technological expertise to contribute to a public good”, said Karen Eggleston from Stanford University.

Chinese officials have estimated that the country’s annual capacity for Covid-19 vaccines could reach 1bn doses by next year.

Three of the vaccines in phase 3 trials — two developed by state-run Sinopharm and one from Sinovac — use an inactivated form of the virus to elicit an immune response. The fourth candidate, developed by Tianjin-based CanSino alongside a research team from the Academy of Military Medical Sciences, uses a weakened common cold virus as a carrier.

China’s vaccine makers’ search for foreign partners has been driven in part by necessity, as the lack of infections in China made phase 3 trials within the country impossible.

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China may face a backlash if there are quality concerns over its vaccines, said Jennifer Huang Bouey from the Rand Corporation, a think-tank. “It’s a risk China is willing to take given the huge benefits — not only a better narrative of global health leadership but also to open up new markets for China.”

According to estimates from Essence Securities, a Chinese brokerage, if Chinese vaccine makers captured just 15 per cent of the market in middle and low-income countries that could mean total sales of nearly Rmb19bn ($2.8bn).

Within China, companies have begun to increase production and distribution of vaccines to hundreds of thousands of people as part of a controversial emergency use programme that enables their use even before phase 3 trials are completed. This has given Chinese companies a head start in fulfilling obligations at home and building up manufacturing capacity.

China’s global charm offensive has not been without setbacks. In Bangladesh, Sinovac’s attempt to run phase 3 trials in the country has been thrown into doubt over a funding disagreement after Bangladesh said it was unwilling to foot the bill for vaccine development.

Sayedur Rahman, a member of Bangladesh’s National Research Ethics Committee, said that in return for the phase 3 trial, Sinovac offered 110,000 doses free and a transfer of some technologies, which was considered not enough for a trial of more than 4,000 people costing about $4m to run.

“Why should Bangladesh invest money on [research for a product] which is not yet a confirmed vaccine?” Mr Rahman asked.



To: Cogito Ergo Sum who wrote (163777)10/23/2020 3:47:17 AM
From: TobagoJack  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 217804
 
Something about the cost of war, and I think wsj that only once the war is won / lost or called off do we reasonably get to calculate cost

so, therefore, towards victory

wsj.com

The U.S. vs. China: The High Cost of the Technology Cold War

The conflict has disrupted the telecom and semiconductor industries in both countries. But the consequences have already begun to spread well beyond those companies.

By
Oct. 22, 2020 4:10 pm ET
The world is paying a high price for the technological Cold War between its two greatest powers.

The U.S.-China conflict has already upended the tech industry in both countries, disrupting giant hardware manufacturers, computer-chip designers and even social-media services. Now the broader consequences are becoming clear, as the actions of Beijing and Washington reverberate across rural America, Europe and other corners of the world.

Bearing the brunt of the costs are the telecommunications and semiconductor sectors, where the Trump administration has blocked leading Chinese companies from the U.S. market and restricted exports by American businesses to China. Companies anticipate billions of dollars in potential costs overall, from lost business or from replacing Chinese telecom equipment.

But the effects go far beyond tech companies’ bottom lines. U.S. chip makers worry that the loss of sales to China will mean less money for research and development, making it hard to continue producing the cutting-edge chips that have made the U.S. the global leader in the semiconductor industry.

There is also a risk that the conflict will slow the spread of high-speed telecom access throughout Europe and rural America, regions that bought Chinese-made wireless and internet equipment after Washington effectively banned such hardware from major U.S. networks back in 2012. That could leave European companies at a competitive disadvantage internationally in manufacturing, health care, transportation and many other industries that require 5G. And hundreds of thousands of homes and businesses in rural America face a delay of months or even years in getting fast and reliable internet access.

Current and former U.S. officials say the costs are worth it in the long run. They say the aggressive measures against Chinese telecom-equipment makers protect democracies against potential Beijing-backed espionage. And they say the U.S. export controls—which make it extremely difficult for some of China’s leading chip companies to make advanced products—help create a fairer global semiconductor market, offsetting unfair support that they say Beijing gives Chinese chip makers. They say U.S. semiconductor companies won’t have to slash prices to compete with Chinese rivals, meaning they’ll have more money to spend on research and development in the long run.

Other companies also could benefit from the hostility between the U.S. and China. Tech providers from outside the U.S. and China that are seen as neutral players, such as South Korea’s Samsung Electronics Co. , Sweden’s Ericsson AB and Finland’s Nokia Corp. , could pick up market share. And if China’s ByteDance Ltd. ends up selling a stake in TikTok to Oracle Corp. and WalmartInc. —as envisioned in a preliminary deal prompted by the White House—ByteDance could get a cash infusion while the U.S. companies gain shares of the world’s hottest social-media platform.

But the damage also could spread, if, for example, China escalates by raising barriers for the U.S. tech companies, such as Apple Inc. and Qualcomm Inc.,that still count China as an important market.

A closer look at the telecom and semiconductor sectors gives a sense of the toll the U.S.-China tech Cold War already has taken and might take in the future.

TelecomThe biggest casualty so far is China’s most successful international business, Huawei Technologies Co. U.S. export restrictions have cut off much of its supply chain, and Washington has lobbied allied countries in Europe and elsewhere—with limited success—to ban Huawei from 5G networks, saying Beijing could force the company to spy or conduct cyberattacks. Huawei and China’s government say that wouldn’t happen.

With $123 billion in sales last year, Huawei is the world’s leading telecom-equipment maker and one of its biggest smartphone manufacturers. But Deputy Chairman Guo Ping recently said “survival is the goal” after the U.S. restrictions jeopardized access to the computer chips, made with U.S. technology, that it needs to make hardware. A company spokesman says it won’t have an estimate of the financial damage from the U.S. export controls until next year.


The biggest casualty of the U.S.-China tech conflict so far is Huawei Technologies.Photo: Mark Schiefelbein/Associated Press
Mr. Guo said Huawei’s consumer division—which with $67 billion of sales last year accounted for most of the company’s 2019 revenue—faces the biggest challenge. That division has won accolades for the cameras on its smartphones, which all require advanced chips affected by the U.S. export controls.

The telecom-equipment business, which had about $42 billion in sales last year, is also in danger.

The effect of Huawei’s problems, though, extend well beyond the company. They also will have a big impact on companies in the U.S., Europe and Asia that design or make computer chips sold to Huawei.

Huawei, for instance, says it spends more than $11 billion a year on U.S. parts. A senior U.S. official says the Commerce Department is likely to grant licenses to U.S. businesses to export to China technology that doesn’t impact national security—such as components for older internet routers or cellphones—on a case-by-case basis, but acknowledged that American suppliers would bear some costs. There are currently no plans, the official says, for the government to help these companies offset those costs.

On the customer side, the U.S. efforts to have allies follow its Huawei example have found some success in Europe, where countries including the U.K. and Poland have essentially agreed to restrict Chinese telecom-equipment. Other countries, most notably Germany, are still debating whether to do so, and could follow recent European Union recommendations that advise members to limit using equipment from high-risk suppliers, a category that includes Huawei.

In the U.K., the government said the U.S. actions that disrupted Huawei’s supply chain make it harder for British cybersecurity officials to ensure that Huawei equipment doesn’t pose an espionage or cybersecurity threat. British officials say they worried that Huawei could start buying components from new suppliers that posed a national-security risk.

The U.K. government told British carriers to stop buying Huawei 5G equipment by January and to replace all 5G Huawei equipment by 2027. BT Group PLC, which reported $30 billion of revenue in its most recent fiscal year, said it would cost about $650 million to replace Huawei equipment.

Across Europe, in anticipation of action against Huawei based on the EU recommendations, big telecom carriers are diverting funds and attention away from expanding coverage and building 5G networks to focus on replacing Huawei equipment already in use. European wireless executives have warned for years that the continent was falling behind the U.S. and Asian countries in rolling out 5G networks. They say restrictions on using Huawei threaten to exacerbate that.

Without 5G, the executives say, European tech and manufacturing companies would fall behind on developing 5G-dependent technologies such as driverless cars and robot-run factories.

The British minister in charge of digital issues, Oliver Dowden, has said the U.K. ban on Huawei could delay the development of 5G by two to three years and cost up to roughly $2.6 billion to replace Huawei equipment. British wireless carriers have said the U.K. economy could lose billions as a result of the delay, because the U.K. would lose out on increased productivity and new business opportunities.

In the U.S., Congress has effectively barred major U.S. telecom carriers from using equipment from Huawei and smaller Chinese rival ZTE Corp. since 2012. But both Chinese equipment makers continued to supply many small, rural carriers. In June, the Federal Communications Commission banned these smaller telecom providers from using federal funds to purchase or maintain Huawei and ZTE equipment.


The FCC has banned small, rural telecom carriers in the U.S. from using federal funds to buy or maintain equipment from ZTE, as well as Huawei.Photo: aly song/Reuters
Because these small carriers rely on federal subsidies, the FCC decision essentially forces them to replace the Chinese equipment within a couple of years. The companies say they want to do so as soon as possible because they don’t want to buy spare parts for equipment they will have to replace anyway.

About 50 rural American telecom providers told the FCC that it would cost a combined $1.8 billion to replace Huawei and ZTE equipment. The U.S. House of Representatives has passed a bill to reimburse these carriers for at least $1 billion of the cost with public money, but the Senate has yet to act; it could be months before that money is delivered.

Share Your ThoughtsHow do you see the costs and benefits of the battle between the U.S. and China over technology? Join the conversation below.

Meanwhile, carriers like Pine Belt Communications are stuck in limbo. The Alabama company had planned to double its network to reach 100,000 new customers, including 25,000 currently without adequate broadband services, says Pine Belt’s president, John Nettles. That includes children who need internet access for remote schooling because of the pandemic, he says.

Mr. Nettles says it may now take more than a year before he can expand his coverage area. The U.S. Senate may not finalize the reimbursements until next year. Then it will take months to solicit bids from new telecom-equipment providers, and then many more months to install that new equipment.

In the meantime, he is praying for good weather to protect his cellular towers. He doesn’t know how to reach customer-service contacts for ZTE, his longtime equipment provider, because many left the U.S. after Washington’s recent actions. “It would just take a good, direct hit from a lightning bolt” to disable company towers, he says. “I would have a difficult time finding a replacement part for them.”

The Rural Wireless Association says some rural carriers have been unable to repair some network equipment made by Huawei or ZTE because they ran out of spare parts, which in one case has left parts of Montana without wireless service, including the ability to make 911 calls. Both the trade group and some Trump administration officials are urging the Senate to finalize the reimbursement funds so its members can start the multiyear process of replacing Chinese equipment.

SemiconductorsU.S. semiconductor companies that want to sell certain products to China must apply for permission to export from the Commerce Department, which said it would issue licenses for exports that don’t impact national security. The semiconductor industry is asking the government to increase the consistency and transparency of the license-approval process, saying U.S. companies are losing sales.

Estimated change to U.S. semiconductorrevenue, by driver of impact and scenarioSource: Boston Consulting Group

If current U.S. export controls to ChinaremainIf U.S. companies are banned fromChinese marketLost salesfrom Chinaexport banR&D cuts toadjust tolowerrevenueProactivesupplierdiversificationChange inglobal shareof ChinesemanufacturersTotalrevenuechange-$100 billion-$50$0$50

In 2018, the U.S. semiconductor industry had $226 billion in revenue and 48% of the global market, according to a Boston Consulting Group report from March commissioned by the U.S. Semiconductor Industry Association. Both figures were expected to decline in coming years because of China’s growing competitiveness, but U.S. export controls could make that decline steeper and faster.

The report estimated those figures would fall to $190 billion in revenue and 40% market share within three years under existing conditions. If U.S.-China tensions escalate and Washington completely bans U.S. chip exports to China—or if Beijing ousts U.S. companies from its market—then those figures would plunge to $143 billion and 30%, putting China and South Korea in place to lead the global industry. That would be a 37% decline in revenue from 2018.

The upshot, say U.S. semiconductor industry leaders, is that sales that would have gone to American chip makers would go to foreign ones instead, resulting in less money for research and development in an industry that American leaders want to be globally dominant—because advanced chips are needed to maintain an edge in military and commercial technology.

Though the Commerce Department has granted some U.S. chip makers licenses to continue selling to Huawei and other Chinese companies, many chip executives say the current limits aren’t well thought out. The report commissioned by the SIA says 73% of products from U.S. chip companies are essentially commodities that Chinese companies can easily obtain from non-U.S. companies. The group argues that some of the remaining 27% poses no national-security risk, like chips for wearable fitness trackers.


Damage from the tech conflict could spread if China raises barriers for U.S. tech companies like Apple and Qualcomm that still count China as an important market.Photo: Brent Lewin/Bloomberg News
“The best way to tackle this issue is for the U.S. to take a surgical approach to technology restrictions that address clearly defined national-security concerns and avoid unintended harm to U.S. semiconductor leadership,” says John Neuffer, the SIA’s chief executive.

A senior U.S. official says the goal with the export controls was to figure out what exactly American companies were selling to China—which the Commerce Department can do because it’s reviewing many sales. The official says the department might eventually grant licenses to most American companies that want to sell to China, after reviewing everything on a case-by-case basis, but also acknowledges that chip companies are frustrated that license applications aren’t being reviewed at a quicker pace.

“The Commerce Department takes great care to ensure that regulations do not impose unreasonable restrictions on legitimate international commercial activity, and strives to avoid actions that compromise the international competitiveness of U.S. industry without any appreciable national-security benefits,” Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross said in a statement.

But the U.S. actions so far may be indirectly driving away some business. Jake Parker, senior vice president of the U.S.-China Business Council, which represents American companies doing business in China, says he has been told of one Japanese company urging Chinese companies to switch from their U.S. suppliers. The message, he says, is: “You can’t rely on U.S. technology because you might be cut off from it in the future.”

At the same time, the export controls affect some foreign semiconductor companies, because they use U.S. technology in making components they sell to Huawei and other companies. Japanese semiconductor maker Kioxia Holdings Corp. last month called off what was expected to be one of the year’s biggest initial public offerings after saying U.S. export restrictions on Huawei were hurting business.

Mr. Woo is a Wall Street Journal reporter based in San Francisco. He can be reached at stu.woo@wsj.com.