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Strategies & Market Trends : 2026 TeoTwawKi ... 2032 Darkest Interregnum -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?

To: Cogito Ergo Sum who wrote (166492)	12/28/2020 5:28:51 PM
From: TobagoJack	Respond to of 218807

Friend (65) was divorced 5 years ago, fit, funny, bitgold-laden and simply unbelievable how much more popular he has become amongst his fan-ettes here in HK. All the fan-ettes want to visit him. Twisting my view of all the earlier judged to be nice girls working in the financial industry. Besides updates on bitcoin pricing, i get view of WhatsApp come hithers. Unbelievable. Shocking. And All the Same, except the truly dangerous ones who are forwardly-demure. Jack best go for girls in STEM, education, music, arts, history, etc etc. No lawyers, accountants, financial types, models, etc etc It is a jungle out there and dangerous to the extreme The coconut so far has simply told the boys to go do other sports

To: Cogito Ergo Sum who wrote (166492)	12/28/2020 8:12:08 PM
From: TobagoJack	Read Replies (1) \| Respond to of 218807

hilarious, that Michael Schuman still does not grasp the concept of parallel universe, and believe there is a easy or any win by trade / cold warfare yeah, Vietnam and India ought to be able to come through bloomberg.com How to Get U.S. Companies to Leave China Rather than threatening American manufacturers, the Biden administration needs to offer them someplace better to go. Michael Schuman 29 December 2020, 08:00 GMT+8 The U.S. should be encouraging shifting supply chains to countries like Vietnam. Photographer: Nhac Nguyen/AFP/Getty Images Michael Schuman is author of "Superpower Interrupted: The Chinese History of the World" and "The Miracle: The Epic Story of Asia's Quest for Wealth." He has previously written for TIME, the Wall Street Journal and several other publications. Read more opinion Follow @michaelschuman on Twitter LISTEN TO ARTICLE We learned something very important over the four years of Donald Trump’s scuffle with China: However frustrated U.S. businesses may be with some aspects of Chinese policy, they are not ready to abandon the world’s second-biggest economy. That should be a lesson to President-elect Joe Biden and his administration. U.S. companies won’t be frightened out of China; they need to be enticed. The simple fact is that, for many of America’s most important firms, China’s massive market and efficient supply chains are still too attractive to abandon, especially for the high-wage U.S. Precious few have left, despite much talk of “decoupling.” Foreign direct investment from U.S. companies into China has remained generally stable despite rising tensions, even ticking upward a bit in 2019 to $13.3 billion, according to data from the Rhodium Group. Meanwhile, the persistently large U.S. trade deficit with China testifies to the continuing reliance of the American economy on Chinese supply. To be clear, full-on “decoupling” from China is neither a realistic nor desirable outcome. But decreasing American dependence on China, particularly for supplies of critical technologies, would be smart for both business reasons and national security. No U.S. administration can ignore the risk that China might weaponize supply chains that are based on the mainland. President Xi Jinping has openly suggested that China should ensure other countries remain dependent on Chinese supply in order to gain leverage and deter them from cutting off China from vital imports. Trump’s attempts to bully U.S. companies into leaving China using tariffs and tweet tirades were a form of friendly fire that hurt U.S. companies at least as much as China. Most of the remaining tariffs should be ditched as counterproductive. Instead, the new administration should be searching for positive incentives to reorient U.S. investment and trade away from China. First and foremost, that means inking new trade and investment pacts with China’s competitors to encourage U.S. companies to shift supply chains to friendly countries, if not back home. Several nations in Asia, including Vietnam and India, are making great efforts to attract such business, with some success. Deals to decrease the costs of doing business with these countries could caffeinate the ongoing shift The Biden administration should also join the successor to the Trans-Pacific Partnership, a grossly misunderstood agreement that could help redirect trade and investment away from China. And the U.S. should leverage the Quad — a loose strategic alliance it has with Australia, India and Japan — to focus not just on military cooperation but on forging closer economic ties. Those three countries are intimately familiar with the pressure China can bring to bear economically and are already working to protect supply chains from Chinese dominance. Such cooperation could help advance Washington’s Clean Networkinitiative by securing safe locations for the production of high-tech equipment. Opinion. Data. More Data.Get the most important Bloomberg Opinion pieces in one email. Next, Biden ought to consider more active policies, such as granting tax breaks and other inducements to companies to “reshore” production from China back to the U.S. or, perhaps for lesser amounts,to move it to friendlier countries. The Japanese government is trying something similar, earmarking more than $2 billion to lure companies out of China. Taiwan, too, is offering fast-tracked regulatory approvals and other perks for companies to come home. According to Taipei’s Ministry of Economic Affairs, more than 200 of them have qualified for the program, bringing in $28 billion in investment. Finally, Biden should strive to limit collateral damage. The Trump administration got itself into trade tussles with a host of allies — from Mexico to South Korea — in a fruitless quest to right perceived wrongs. Competing with China will require deepening U.S. trade ties to other countries, especially in the emerging world. That means the U.S. may have to tolerate rising deficits with certain countries as the cost of decreasing its reliance on China. Minor trade disputes will have to be set aside. For instance, the Treasury Department’s recent designation of Vietnam as a currency manipulator is short-sighted, foolishly damaging ties with a country that should be a key partner in the contest with China. Ultimately, a successful China strategy will require adopting the opposite of an “America First” mentality. Instead of seeking a retrenchment of the U.S. role in the world economy, the Biden administration should promote a new, wider wave of globalization to disperse supply chains and trade. This will strengthen U.S. bonds with the emerging world and enlist more governments in the cause of upholding free and fair trade. And it’ll help give U.S. companies in China what they don’t yet have: someplace better to go. This column does not necessarily reflect the opinion of the editorial board or Bloomberg LP and its owners. To contact the author of this story: Michael Schuman at contactschuman@gmail.com To contact the editor responsible for this story: Nisid Hajari at nhajari@bloomberg.net Before it's here, it's on the Bloomberg Terminal. LEARN MORE

To: Cogito Ergo Sum who wrote (166492)	12/28/2020 8:23:52 PM
From: TobagoJack	Read Replies (1) \| Respond to of 218807

about meritocracy and democracy, presumably the pole-climbers and such same alerted you to the possibilities as published by their self-declared favourite rag :0) but had they not, am not exactly surprised economist.com The World in 2021 Kishore Mahbubani says this is the dawn of the Asian century A prominent Asian scholar says the continent is leading the way Nov 17th 2020 HISTORY HAS turned a corner. The era of Western domination is ending. The resurgence of Asia in world affairs and the global economy, which was happening before the emergence of covid-19, will be cemented in a new world order after the crisis. The deference to Western societies, which was the norm in the 19th and 20th centuries, will be replaced by a growing respect and admiration for East Asian ones. The phrase has been bandied around for a while, but the pandemic could mark the real start of an Asian century. The crisis highlights the contrast between the competent responses of East Asian governments (notably China, Singapore, South Korea and Taiwan) and the incompetent responses of Western governments (such as America, Britain, France and Spain). The far lower death rates suffered by East Asian countries offer a lesson to all. They reflect not just medical capabilities, but also the quality of governance and the cultural confidence of their societies. What has shocked many in Asia is the reluctance of some Western governments to allow science and basic epidemiological modelling to determine sensible policy responses. After its initial cover-up of the outbreak in Wuhan (which was clearly disastrous), China firmly deployed good science and robust public-policy measures to break the back of the problem. It responsibly released the genetic data as soon as Chinese scientists sequenced the virus’s genome in January. A half-century ago, had a similar global pandemic broken out, the West would have handled it well and the developing countries of East Asia would have suffered. Today the quality of governance in the region sets the global standard. The result is that the post-covid-19 world will be one in which other countries look to East Asia as a role model, not only for how to handle a pandemic but how to govern in general. Clearly there are sharp differences between the communist system of China and the societies of Japan, Singapore, South Korea and Taiwan. Yet one feature they have in common is a belief in strong government institutions run by the best and the brightest. This emphasis on meritocracy also has deep roots in Confucian culture. The entry bar to the Chinese Communist Party is set very high: only the top graduating students are admitted. Equally importantly, the rising levels of competent governance are both fuelled by, and contribute to, rising levels of cultural confidence. All this is gradually eroding the deference to the West that used to be the norm in Asia. Taken together, the competence and confidence of East Asia will reshape the world order. It has already begun. Twenty years ago, no Chinese national ran any UN organisation. Today they oversee four. If the International Monetary Fund and World Bank remain bastions of Western power, insisting that only Europeans and Americans can run the shop, they will gradually lose their credibility unless they allow Asians (as well as Africans and Latin Americans) to manage them. To maintain its role and its respect, America will have to demonstrate remarkable diplomatic dexterity. Yet its foreign service has never been more demoralised, at a time when its Chinese counterpart has never been more confident. All is not lost for America. In South-East Asia, for example, there remain huge reservoirs of goodwill after many years of American engagement, which its diplomats can tap. As China’s weight in global affairs grows, it will have to take on greater responsibilities. America has increasingly walked away from the family of UN institutions. China has not, and may use its new confidence to take on a larger role. For example, before the pandemic the World Health Organisation had been weakened by an effort led by the West, starting in the 1970s, to reduce member states’ funding obligations, so that the majority (80%) of its budget now comes from voluntary contributions. China could demonstrate global leadership by calling for the restoration of mandatory funding to its earlier level of around 60%. That would be just a start. The world after the crisis may see a hobbled West and a bolder China. We can expect that China will use its power. Paradoxically, a China-led order could turn out to be a more “democratic” one. China does not want to export its model. It can live with a diverse, multi-polar world. The coming Asian century need not be uncomfortable for the West or the rest of the world.¦ This article appeared in the Asia section of the print edition of The World in 2021 under the headline “The dawn of the Asian century”