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To: Haim R. Branisteanu who wrote (171889)5/18/2021 1:17:47 AM
From: TobagoJack  Respond to of 219928
 
One item at a time, starting w/ Xinjiang, according to israeldefense contributor, and sounds about correct by my understanding

israeldefense.co.il

The Xinjiang-Uyghur issue

In late March the United States, Canada, the UK and the EU took a concerted action to announce sanctions over human rights violations against the Uyghurs and other ethnic minorities in Xinjiang-Uyghur by the Chinese government.

This is the first time since the Tiananmen Square incident in 1989 that the EU and the UK have imposed sanctions on China over human rights issues.

Furthermore, Australia and New Zealand also issued statements expressing support for joint U.S. and EU sanctions against China. U.S. Secretary of State Tony Blinken stated: "The joint transatlantic operation sends a strong signal to those who violate or trample on international human rights".

This joint operation is clearly part of a concerted U.S. effort to work with its Western allies against China through diplomatic actions.

After gruelling wars in Korea and Vietnam and later in the Balkans, Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya and Syria, we wonder:

1) why do we want to open another front to export democracy with bombs?

2) Why has the Xinjiang-Uyghur issue become a deadly matter that brings the United States and its allies together to impose sanctions on China, while ignoring the barbaric behaviors codified by the backward-looking, but allied Gulf monarchies?

3) Why is the Xinjiang-Uyghur issue attracting increasing attention from the international community?

4) Why does the United States use the Xinjiang-Uyghur human rights issues to shape a diplomatic action with Western allies against China and forget about the black people being murdered on the streets at home?

Let us try to better understand the situation.

The strategic importance of Xinjiang-Uyhgur for China is similar to Tibet’s (Xizang). The Xinjiang-Uyghur Autonomous Region is the largest provincial unit in China. It covers one-sixth of China's territory and borders on Mongolia, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Afghanistan, Pakistan and India. It can be used as a base by China to influence its neighbors. However, Xinjiang-Uygur can be used as a bridgehead by external powers to threaten China's territorial integrity.

Like Tibet (Xizang), Xinjiang-Uyghur also has immense economic value in terms of oil and gas resources, and it can also be used as a channel to import energy from Kazakhstan. It is also a site for Chinese nuclear weapons and missile tests.

This area has traditionally been under the influence of various forces that have been claiming these territories. For thousands of years, the deserts and mountains of Xinjiang-Uygur were crossed by merchants. Peoples and armies passed through it continuously, sometimes forming alliances with the Middle Empire, sometimes to free themselves from the Emperor’s influence, only to fall into worse hands.

The Chinese who started to travel there before the 19th century met Persians and Muslims, most of whom were Turkish-speaking. It is not for nothing that the other name of the territory is East Turkestan.

The region was not fully incorporated into the Chinese administrative system until 1884, when it was divided into province and called Xinjiang, meaning “new frontier”. China's control, however, was fragile and, when China's presence was still at a minimum in 1944, the local population announced the establishment of a short-lived republic called East Turkestan, backed by the Soviet Union led by Stalin, who - like the United States today - wanted it to fall within his sphere of influence.

However, as Stalin was a great statesman and not just a parvenu, with the birth of the People's Republic of China, the Georgian leader agreed that the territory be reintegrated into the Middle Empire as the Xinjiang-Uyghur Autonomous Region.

With a view to strengthening administrative and political control in the autonomous region, the People’s Republic of China used the same methods in other surrounding areas: immigration development, trade, cultural assimilation, administrative integration and international isolation.

As early as the mid-18th century, the Qing government had created a national industry near the capital Ürümqi. In the 19th century, Chinese merchants arrived in large numbers. After 1949, the People’s Republic of China placed the autonomous region under a national plan designed to orient and direct local trade towards China's internal economy, banning border trade and people movements that were widespread in the past between borders that at the time were undefined and misgoverned.

In 1954 China established the Xinjiang-Uyghur Semi-Military Production and Construction Corps to transfer demobilized officers and soldiers, as well as other Chinese immigrants, to industries, mines and enterprises. During the Cultural Revolution in the 1960s, thousands of middle school graduates were delegated to perform tasks in Xinjiang-Uyghur from various cities in China, especially Shanghai, and most of them lived in farms. I remember the great enthusiasm of some major European parties at this news: the same parties that, having changed their names, are today shedding “the bitter tears of Petra von Kant” along with Biden.

In the 2010 census - according to official statistics - out of 21,815,815 inhabitants, 45.4% were Uyghurs and 40.48% Chinese, although the real number could be even higher. The many officially recognized ethnic minorities included Kazakhs and Muslims of Chinese ethnicity.

In the decades prior to 1980, Xinjiang-Uygur developed slowly because of its bordering on the then hostile post-1960 Soviet Union, and because of its rugged and considerable distance from other parts of China. However, when Deng Xiaoping implemented reforms in the 1980s, China's development policy created demand for Xinjiang-Uyghur's coal, oil and gas resources, thus making the local area one of China's largest producers of fossil fuels.

In the 1990s, China began building oil pipelines to transport oil from the far West to the mainland market. In 2001, China announced a “Western development” policy to fully exploit Xinjiang-Uyghur's resources. The central government invested billions of dollars to build infrastructure and create political incentives to attract national and foreign companies.

This has meant that the country has increased its per capita GDP, as well as raised the education level. China has also modernized its society and this has made it unpopular with those fundamentalist Muslims who, boiling with terrorist rage, are now calling for help from those who initially funded ISIS to bring the secular Syrian government down, under the slogan “the enemy of my enemy is my friend”.

For most of the Maoist era, the Uyghurs, as well as the less numerous Kazakhs, Kyrgyz and other ethnic minorities, were forced to give up Islam, learn Chinese and relinquish their traditional customs and habits. All this much to the delight of the then epicurean and atheist West, which has always despised faith: a further element of contrast that later materialized on the part of fundamentalists.

As in Tibet (Xizang), the most traditionalist Uyghurs believe that their land has been invaded by Chinese immigrants and their lives are overwhelmed by a “Western” style imposed authoritatively from outside: a pretext that President Erdogan has been the first to exploit, not failing to include it in his Panturanist conception.

In fact, after the implosion of the Soviet Union in 1991, the Turkic and immigrant Uyghur communities in the three new neighboring States of Central Asia, namely Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan, experienced a cultural and religious revival, thus creating a new sense of hope and power among the Uyghurs in Xinjiang-Uyghur.

From the 1980s to 2001, demonstrations, riots, occasional murders and terrorist attacks occurred with increasing frequency. The Chinese government claims that the criminals’ goal is 1) to separate Xinjiang-Uyghur from China, and 2) that the Uyghur separatists are terrorists connected to al-Qaeda.

All these accusations are controversial, because most Uyghurs - either secular or moderate Sunni Muslims - have not created a resistance movement at all, as the Uyghur society is not integrated around specific Islamist parameters.

Many incidents seem to have various and sometimes personal causes, and often result in casualties. But, in any case, the authorities have launched a series of strict public order campaigns, fearing that even the slightest sign of dissent, such as a demonstration, a parade, a march, a gunfight with the police, will be amplified by the usual media to pave the way for a bloody local civil conflict, which - unlike the Syrian one - could turn into the Third and Last World War.

All this would certainly not be triggered to protect some fundamentalist Muslims in defence of human rights. The causes are always the same.

Professor Valori is President of the International World Group

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To: Haim R. Branisteanu who wrote (171889)5/18/2021 1:23:37 AM
From: TobagoJack1 Recommendation

Recommended By
ggersh

  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 219928
 
Team China needed saving, many tried and the CCP succeeded …

globaltimes.cn

"I saw a completely different China. Yan'an was the shape of things to come in China." — Israel Epstein, the Man Who Helped Xinhua News Agency Send Its First English Dispatch

By Global Times

On 1 September 1944, Xinhua News Agency sent its first English dispatch to the world from a cave in Qingliang Mountain, Yan'an, reporting on the Eighth Route Army, the New Fourth Army and the anti-Japanese bases led by the Communist Party of China (CPC). From then on, the world could hear the voice of the CPC. Behind this groundbreaking dispatch were the persistent efforts of a CPC member with a "foreign face", Israel Epstein.

The young Epstein and his mother Sonia in Harbin

Born in 1915 into a Jewish family in Warsaw, Epstein moved to China with his parents at the age of two. He later recalled his boyhood in Tianjin, "Already before my teens, amidst the country's surrounding internecine wars and famines, I saw gaunt, ragged refugees flooding into Tianjin. Some begging tearfully for food, some offering to sell their children ... On a forever unforgotten winter morning, ... I came upon a boy of twelve or so, ... crouching stiff and dead in a doorway where he had tried vainly to seek shelter from the freezing night wind." The young Epstein was struck by how poor and weak China was and how much suffering the Chinese people had to endure. He began to ponder, who on earth could save China? What should he have as the purpose of his life?

Epstein, Mao Dun and others in Chongqing

Between 1937 and 1938, Epsteiarchivetempn went to Shanghai, Nanjing, Wuhan and other places as a correspondent of the United Press International (UPI). In April 1938, he went to the front line to cover the Battle of Taierzhuang. He saw with his own eyes how the Eighth Route Army stood with the people and enabled them to finally enjoy their own rights and live with dignity as human beings and citizens like never before. It dawned on the people that defending the country was defending their own land. They rushed to join the military organizations established by the Eighth Route Army.
Chairman Mao Zedong meeting six foreign journalists in Zaoyuan, Yan'an (back row right to left: Chairman Mao, Günther Stein, Cormac Shananhan; front row right to left: Harrison Forman, Israel Epstein, Proshenko, Maurice Votaw)

In May 1944, Epstein set foot on the land of Yan'an as the UPI correspondent on a delegation of foreign journalists. On their way to Yan'an, the delegation found that despite the tight blockade by the KMT, soldiers and villagers in the border region had launched a "great production movement" to turn the desolate mountains and barren land of northern Shaanxi into cropland. They passed by golden fields of wheat and millet and lush fields of bean, cotton and flax, all promising a good harvest. They got even more impressed when they saw in Nanniwan groups of officers and soldiers of the 359th Brigade working at full steam in the fields wielding hoes and shovels while singing work songs. In a report sharing his first impression of northern Shaanxi, Epstein wrote that northern Shaanxi, once a desolate land, had turned into a place of intensive farming, with countless cattle and sheep, a flourishing handicraft industry, and a people enjoying a life of abundance. Soldiers and civilians reclaimed large tracts of wasteland together. The garrison did farm work in summer and trained in winter. They could feed themselves without burdening local peasants.

Epstein with Ye Jianying and Wang Zhen

Epstein wrote that he felt like entering a different world, "Instead of running away from the soldiers ... as those elsewhere in China often did, they [the peasants] ... brought out hot water for the troops to drink and, unasked, took care of the horses ... In general, the people behaved as though a member of their own household was on a long journey ..." Everything was so different in Yan'an. In a letter to his wife, Epstein described the border region as a "great nation on a small scale". "There are ... almost certainly more really active people. And these people are amply sure that they are China, China's future. Not that they say it. But it is apparent in every confident word and action, and smile. I became ever more convinced then that Yan'an was the shape of things to come in China, and the next decade would prove it."
Group photo of Zhou Enlai, Zhu De, Epstein and other Chinese and foreign journalists

Epstein spent three months in Yan'an and had many face-to-face interviews with Mao Zedong, Zhu De, Zhou Enlai and others. He was impressed by Mao Zedong's "ability to express complex strategic ideas in simple, unforgettable words which could engrave their meaning and logic even on the illiterate." Though living in a cave in Yan'an, Mao Zedong knew a lot about the outside world. That Mao was a great man of the century was the impression shared by everyone who had met him, including those who had the opposite political stance. His personality was a mixture of seriousness and humor, patience and decisiveness, idea and action, and confidence and humility. Epstein described Zhu was an amiable old man who didn't look like a battle-seasoned general. He observed that Zhou treated everyone as equals and cared little about himself. However busy he was, he would always find time to ask about the work, study and life of his subordinates.
Impression of Mao Zedong by Israel Epstein et al.

During his stay in Yan'an, Epstein sent numerous reports that enabled the world to know more about Yan'an and the CPC leaders. In a newsletter to The New York Times, he wrote that the Eighth Route Army kept a close bond with the people and never took a dime from them. Many years later, he recalled the tour to Yan'an as an important visit that inspired him to go on the revolutionary path for the rest of his life, "I see a completely different China which is totally different from the China under the rule of Kuomintang of Chiang Kai-shek. This China is full of hope and free from starvation and defeatist sentiment." He became convinced that the reactionaries' rule would end and that a new China would emerge under the CPC leadership.

I Visit Yenan

This trip to Yan'an was also the start of Epstein's connection with the Yellow River Cantata. Inspired by the fortitude of the Chinese people embodied in the song, he became the first to translate its lyrics into English and introduce it to people outside China.

Epstein in the uniform of the Eighth Route Army

Epstein returned to the US in 1945. After the People's Republic of China was founded, he and some other progressives worked together to make the Light in the Broad East the first American publication showing the national flag of new China. Epstein returned to China in 1951 and obtained Chinese citizenship six years later. In 1964, he became a proud member of the CPC.

Epstein in Tibet

Epstein visited Tibet three times in 1955, 1965 and 1976. He interviewed nearly one thousand people and left with notes adding up to one million words. On that basis, he wrote the book Tibet Transformed. It was a truthful record of the dramatic changes that had taken place and were taking place in Tibet, fundamental changes that represented the overwhelming trend of history. Through his book, more people got to know new China's policy on Tibet and the development of Tibet after its liberation.

Epstein said affectionately that throughout his life, nothing was better or more meaningful than his personal experience and participation in the revolutionary cause of the Chinese people. Accounting for one fifth of the world's population, the Chinese people carry a big weight for the future of the whole world. Like every other cause, there were joy, pain, ups and downs in the revolutionary endeavor of the Chinese people. But on the whole, this endeavor was on an upward track and was a contribution to national and international progress.

Deng Xiaoping celebrating Epstein’s 70th birthday in 1985

Jiang Zemin celebrating Epstein’s 80th birthday in 1995

Hu Jintao celebrating Epstein's 90th birthday in 2005

In May 2005, Epstein passed away in Beijing after a glorious and extraordinary life journey. In his last moments, he said to those around him that China's great international influence was fundamentally because of China's tremendous progress, but that was just the beginning. As always, there would be obstacles on the way forward,but China would keep moving forward.

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To: Haim R. Branisteanu who wrote (171889)5/18/2021 1:58:45 AM
From: TobagoJack1 Recommendation

Recommended By
marcher

  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 219928
 
Re <<Bhutan>>,

I start w/ the statement that most of what is MSM is BS, but weaponised BS.

Bhutan has a territorial dispute w/ China due to the mess left behind by Britain when British imperialism was rolled back, just as Britain left messes all over the planet including Middle East / North Africa, and now its allies are still trying to somehow benefit / score points off of the legacy imperialistic mess.

China offered to settle the dispute by compromise and was refused by Bhutan which believed in India backing. Alas, India cannot deliver, and so conveniently Xinjiang, Tibet, Bhutan, East China Sea, South China Sea, Taiwan, wherever all issues converged on China China China and CCP CCP CCP.

No matter, what was shall be.

Few folks keep track but I was paying attention even at the young years of 1972, and remember well that India black-ops-ed and overthrew an independent kingdom called Sikkim situated between Napal and Bhutan; akin to if Israel absorbed Lebanon.

Oh, and yes, India strips Moslims of Indian residency and denying them citizenship without the benefit of reeducation and job training irrespective of whether they have lived all their lives in India en.wikipedia.org but there is little complaint from the rest of the world and the suspect MSM. This truth tells us all we need to know.

en.wikipedia.org
The history of Sikkim, begins with contacts between ancient Hindus and Tibetans, followed by the establishment of a Buddhist kingdom or Chogyal in the 17th century. Sikkim emerged as a polity in its own right against a backdrop of incursions from Tibet and Bhutan, during which the kingdom enjoyed varying degrees of independence. In the early 18th century, the British Empire sought to establish trade routes with Tibet, leading Sikkim to fall under British suzerainty until independence in 1947. Initially, Sikkim remained an independent country, until it merged with India in 1975 after a decisive referendum. Many provisions of the Indian constitutionhad to be altered to accommodate the international treaties and between Sikkim and India.

The Great Game never ended because the Indians wished to play on even after the departure of the British. They were hiccuped in 1962 by China.

Bhutan and Napal are part of the game. Think West Bank, Golan Heights, Sinai Desert, S Lebanon, and Gaza.

scmp.com

India’s shadow looms over revived China-Bhutan border talks
- After years of delay, Beijing and Thimphu have agreed to resume discussions on their disputed boundary
- Analysts say breakthrough is unlikely because of Indian influence over Bhutan


Bhutan has to toe the Indian line until it doesn’t, and the juncture comes when infrastructure is put in place to offer Bhutan a choice, and the village you cited is part of the infrastructure

"Every country knows that China is a reality. We also need to accept that there is a geographical reality. Our access to the world is through India. The feeling is if Bhutan tries to neglect India to go with China, that's going to be suicidal," said a Bhutanese analyst, who did not want to be identified.
The way forward, he said, was to engage with China while respecting India's security interests.


bbc.com

Why Bhutan's Sakteng wildlife sanctuary is disputed by China

25 November 2020
By Anbarasan Ethirajan
BBC News


High above the rest of the world, territorial disputes are being played out in tiny Bhutan

Sandwiched between China and India, the tiny Himalayan nation of Bhutan is feeling the squeeze as its giant neighbours square up for supremacy.

A close ally of India, Bhutan got a shock when China made sudden new claims in the summer - over a wildlife sanctuary in the east of the country, on land that had not been considered disputed.

Most Bhutanese commentators don't want to discuss this in detail, but many believe Beijing is trying to drag the Buddhist majority nation - population 750,000 - into the territorial stand-off with India.

Since April the world's two most populous nations have deployed tens of thousands of troops further west along their border, with both accusing each other of trespassing into each other's territory.

China shares land borders with 14 countries and says it has settled its frontiers with most of them. India and Bhutan are notable exceptions, with no progress made in years of talks over disputed areas.

Beijing views disputed territory in the two countries as part of Tibet, which it invaded and annexed in the 1950s.

'Chinese attempt to irritate Bhutan'

Beijing's surprise move came during a virtual conservation meeting in June, when it laid claim for the first time to Sakteng Wildlife Sanctuary, which spans about 740 sq km (285 sq miles) in eastern Bhutan.

Choling
Sakteng sanctuary has a diverse ecosystem and is home to rare wildlife species

The government in Thimphu had requested aid for projects in the park from the Global Environmental Facility, a US-based group which finances eco-friendly projects. Chinese representatives objected, saying the area was in dispute and funds should not be allocated.

Bhutan rejected the claim, pointing out the area had never featured in 24 previous rounds of boundary talks. A 25th round scheduled for earlier this year was delayed by the Covid crisis.

India and China race to build along a tense frontier An extraordinary escalation 'using rocks and clubs' China and India face off on the roof of the world

In July, Chinese foreign ministry spokesman Wang Wenbin left no doubtwhen he said "the boundary between China and Bhutan is yet to be demarcated, and the middle, eastern and western section of the border are disputed".

The eastern section was an obvious reference to the Sakteng reserve.

Choling
Until recently Chinese maps have shown Sakteng in Bhutan

Bhutanese historian Karma Phuntsho says: "Sakteng national park was never a disputed area and it was always under Bhutanese control. There is no evidence of any affiliation [of that region] to China.

"The recent claim by a Chinese official at the Global Environment Facility is perhaps a Chinese attempt to irritate Bhutan as there are border disputes to settle in other areas."

'A way to put pressure on India'

Border talks between Thimphu and Beijing have focused since 1984 mostly on around 269 sq km in the west and around 500 sq km in the north of Bhutan.

"All official Chinese maps have showed Sakteng as part of Bhutan. In 2014, China came out with its most ambitious map ever, with vast territorial claims, including India's Arunachal Pradesh. But even in that map Sakteng park was shown as part of Bhutan," said Tenzing Lamsang, the editor of weekly newspaper The Bhutanese.

Bhutan is no stranger to feeling caught between China and India. Border negotiations stalled following a crisis three years ago over a plateau known as Doklam in India, and Donglang in China.



In June 2017 Indian forces confronted Chinese troops, who had started to expand an unpaved road in the crucial tri-junction between India, China and Bhutan. The area actually fell within Bhutan's claims but India challenged Chinese troops on behalf of its tiny ally.

The plateau is of strategic importance to Delhi because it overlooks the Siliguri corridor, known as the "chicken's neck", a narrow strip of land that connects India's north-eastern states with the rest of the country. India fears that in any future conflict, Chinese troops could seize the corridor.

Though both countries disengaged following talks, it showed how border disputes might escalate. Subsequent satellite pictures showed the Chinese army had built a vast network of military installations, including heliports, not far from the flash point in Doklam.

So China's decision to claim the Sakteng sanctuary now is being seen in the context of the wider stand-off, as Asia's giants jockey for advantage.

AFP
Indian soldiers on patrol near Leh, in the disputed frontier region of Ladakh

"It is a way to put pressure on India, not just Bhutan. The Sakteng sanctuary borders India's Arunachal Pradesh, which is also claimed by China. Beijing's view seems to be Sakteng is an extension of Arunachal Pradesh," said Sangeeta Thapliyal, professor of international studies at Jawaharlal Nehru University in Delhi.

How Nepal's new map is stirring old rivalries The Tibetans serving in ‘secretive’ Indian force

But Dr Lu Yang, a research fellow at the Institute of Belt and Road Initiative in Tsinghua University, Beijing has a different view.

"It is not that China is bullying Bhutan on the border issue. It is because the Bhutan-China border dispute could not be separated from the India-China one. This is the main challenge," she told the BBC.

From Beijing's perspective, she said, "the solution of China-India eastern border is the precondition for the solution of Bhutan-China border".

The Bhutanese foreign ministry did not respond to BBC requests for comment.

'We need to accept geographical reality'

But Bhutan's options are limited

Tensions are at their worst for decades between India and China, and will be hard to defuse.


With its tiny population, Bhutan has few options in the stand-off

In mid-June, a brawl on the frontier in Ladakh resulted in the deaths of 20 Indian soldiers and an unknown number of Chinese army casualties - the first deadly clash on their border in at least 45 years.

Despite various rounds of talks, Beijing has refused to withdraw from the areas it occupied, Indian analysts say.

By putting pressure on Bhutan, Beijing may be testing Delhi's resolve in coming to its tiny ally's aid. India's neighbours are closely watching how Delhi decides to tackle China's growing military and economic might. India doesn't want to lose face.

"Every country knows that China is a reality. We also need to accept that there is a geographical reality. Our access to the world is through India. The feeling is if Bhutan tries to neglect India to go with China, that's going to be suicidal," said a Bhutanese analyst, who did not want to be identified.

The way forward, he said, was to engage with China while respecting India's security interests.

Historian Dr Phuntsho says he regrets that India and China use their power to cause instability, rather than to promote peace.

"Both China and India had expansionist and imperialistic outlooks in the past, and show a tendency to control other countries, even now."

Smaller countries like Bhutan have no choice but to remain on edge.

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