SI
SI
discoversearch

We've detected that you're using an ad content blocking browser plug-in or feature. Ads provide a critical source of revenue to the continued operation of Silicon Investor.  We ask that you disable ad blocking while on Silicon Investor in the best interests of our community.  If you are not using an ad blocker but are still receiving this message, make sure your browser's tracking protection is set to the 'standard' level.
Strategies & Market Trends : 2026 TeoTwawKi ... 2032 Darkest Interregnum -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: marcher who wrote (194599)12/9/2022 6:15:20 PM
From: TobagoJack  Read Replies (3) | Respond to of 219644
 
RE <<neo>> droning gets in the way of DJI practicalities of capability / capacity

Seems DJI is doing a bang-up business from booming sales

:0)

Russia gets it eurasiantimes.com
Russian defense commentators pointed to the Dobrynya quadcopter from Almaz-Antey as having many components and electronics from China.

Ukraine gets it


but other neos still do not get it ...

neo-cretins think lawyers might do the necessary defenseone.com
HAVE A DRONE YOU WANT REMOVED FROM THE SKY?
GRAB YOUR WALLET, SOME PATIENCE, AND PROBABLY A LAWYER,
BECAUSE SO FAR, THERE’S NO ONE-SIZE-FITS-ALL SOLUTION


wsj.com

Some departments have outlawed their use, but others persist despite the national security risk.

By Lars Erik Schönander

Nov. 30, 2022 at 6:08 pm ET


As Brendan Carr, a commissioner of the Federal Communications Commission, has warned, “DJI drones and the surveillance technology on board these systems are collecting vast amounts of sensitive data—everything from high-resolution images of critical infrastructure to facial recognition technology and remote sensors that can measure an individual’s body temperature and heart rate.” The surveillance potential of DJI drones isn’t hypothetical; the Treasury Department has alleged that the Chinese Communist Party is using them to monitor Uyghurs trapped in Chinese concentration camps. If China can use these drones to spy on its own people, it can also use them to spy on Americans.
Compounding DJI drones’ risk is their capacity for “geofencing.” Using GPS and satellite data, DJI can decide whether one of its drones will function in a given area, allowing the company to down an entire fleet if it chooses. The ability to deactivate government-owned drones shouldn’t be entrusted to any foreign entity—least of all one under the thumb of the Communist Party.

The Defense Department’s announcement continues steps by the federal government in recent years to counter DJI’s surveillance and cybersecurity risks. Among other efforts, the Army banned DJI drone use in 2017 because of cybersecurity concerns, and in 2020 the Interior Department grounded its DJI drones for the same reason. Last year, in response to DJI’s surveillance of Uyghurs, the Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign Assets Control added DJI to its list of companies in the Chinese military-industrial complex, prohibiting Americans from buying or selling publicly traded securities tied to the company.

But other federal agencies haven’t been as vigilant. According to newly revealed data from a Freedom of Information Act request that I submitted, DJI drones make up roughly two-thirds of the drone fleet run by the Agricultural Research Service, a division of the U.S. Department of Agriculture, for research and survey work. The service has purchased DJI drones as recently as late 2020. If these drones shouldn’t be used by the U.S. military or on federal lands, why should U.S. farmland be any different?

This lapse in security isn’t unique. An open contract on SAM.gov, a General Services Administration database, shows that the U.S. Secret Service bought DJI drones earlier this year. Despite the Interior Department’s efforts to decouple from DJI, the majority of its drone flights last year were still performed by the company’s drones. And an untold number of DJI products are used by local police forces and government agencies, as well as government contractors across the country.

Why is the government continuing to purchase and use drones that pose a national-security risk? One factor is a successful lobbying push earlier this year. A bipartisan bill to ban federal agencies’ procurement of drones from hostile foreign countries, including China, was introduced but failed to be added to the National Defense Authorization Act. Rep. Mike Gallagher (R., Wis.), who sponsored the bill, lamented: “There is bipartisan recognition that Congress needs to act to mitigate threats posed by DJI drones, but these efforts have been undermined by lobbyists who’d rather sell out the country than lose a lucrative contract.”

Congress needs to get serious about this issue. It should pass a law requiring all agencies to follow the Defense Department’s guidelines for procuring drones that are known to be safe. The American Security Drone Act of 2021, which would prohibit federal funds from being used to buy drones manufactured in China, should be reintroduced and given priority in the next Congress.

States can also take action. Last year the Florida Legislature restricted state agencies’ purchases of drones to manufacturers meeting specific security standards. Other states should follow suit.

All federal agencies should undergo an inspection to reveal the size and composition of their drone fleets. At the moment, there is no requirement for agencies to disclose the number and types of drones they are buying. Federal agencies shouldn’t be allowed to buy products from companies that threaten America’s security.

Mr. Schönander is a policy technologist at Lincoln Network, a tech policy think tank.



To: marcher who wrote (194599)12/10/2022 10:34:32 AM
From: Pogeu Mahone1 Recommendation

Recommended By
Cogito Ergo Sum

  Respond to of 219644
 
Thank you

Revealed: group shaping US nutrition receives millions from big food industry

Academy of Nutrition and Dietetics has a record of quid pro quos with a range of food giants, documents show


Academy of Nutrition and Dietetics has accepted at least $15m from 2011-2017. Nestle was among one of the highest contributors. Photograph: Laurent Gilliéron/AP

Tom Perkins
Fri 9 Dec 2022 03.00 EST



Newly released documents show an influential group that helps shape US food policy and steers consumers toward nutritional products has financial ties to the world’s largest processed food companies and has been controlled by former industry employees who have worked for companies like Monsanto.

The documents reveal the Academy of Nutrition and Dietetics has a record of quid pro quos with a range of food giants, owns stock in ultra-processed food companies and has received millions in contributions from producers of pop, candy, and processed foods linked to diabetes, heart disease, obesity and other health problems.

The findings are a part of a recently published peer-reviewed study that examined a trove of financial documents and internal communications obtained through a Freedom of Information Act (Foia) request.

“It’s incredibly influential so if the Academy is corrupt then nutritional policy in the US is going to be corrupt,” said Gary Ruskin, executive director of US Right to Know, and a co-author of the study. The investigative non-profit developed the study with researchers from non-profits and universities in the US and UK.

It’s incredibly influential so if the Academy is corrupt then nutritional policy in the US is going to be corruptGary Ruskin“If we’re ever going to solve the problems of obesity and diabetes in the US and elsewhere, then we’re going to have to tackle the corruption in our health institutions,” Ruskin added.

The Academy says it as an independent voice and “trusted educational resource for consumers”. It lobbies Congress and represents and provides information to over 110,000 US dietitians who help people make decisions about which foods to eat.

Though the Academy has long received criticism for its ties to big food, the study for the first time reveals the depth of its financial ties.

The Academy accepted at least $15m from corporate and organizational contributors from 2011-2017, and over $4.5m in additional funding went to the Academy’s foundation. Among the highest contributions came from companies such as Nestlé, PepsiCo, Hershey, Kellogg’s, General Mills, Conagra, the National Dairy Council and the baby formula producer Abbott Nutrition.

The Academy and its foundation also received food industry fundings via sponsorships, which are in effect quid pro quos. In a 2015 email, an Academy employee defined a sponsorship as “When a company pays a fee to the Academy/Foundation in return for Academy/Foundation defined specific rights and benefits.”


Kellogg’s, one of the highest contributors to the Academy of Nutrition and Dietetics. Photograph: Bill Pugliano/Getty ImagesThe email reveals the Academy in 2015 was in a sponsorship deal with Abbott and was discussing how the Academy could use its dietitians’ influence in pediatricians’ offices to push Pediasure, one of the pharmaceutical giant’s infant nutritional products. Abbott at the time had in place a two year, $300,000 sponsorship deal.

The Academy also owned Abbott stock at the time of the deal and plan, records show. It also owned stock in companies with which it had a sponsorship deal, PepsiCo, as well as financial contributors, like Nestlé.

“That is astounding,” Ruskin said. “That belongs in the conflict of interest hall of fame – it is off the charts.”

Academy leadership at the time seemed to be aware of the optics.

“I personally like Pepsico and do not have any problems with us owning it, but I wonder if someone will say something about that,” wrote the then Academy treasurer, Donna Martin, in a 2014 email. “Hopefully they will be happy like they should be! I personally would be OK if we owned Coke stock!!”

The 2015 email also described an extension of a sponsorship agreement with the National Dairy Council. Under the proposed extension, the National Dairy Council would pay $1.2m for a package that would fund “support for both the Academy and the Foundation to continue the collaborative work around food, nutrition and agriculture”. Other sponsors listed in the email include Coca-Cola’s industry group, and Conagra, which owns brands like Reddi-Wip, Slim Jim and Banquet.

The Academy at the time of the 2015 email was also in discussion with Subway about how the Academy could “endorse” the fast-food chain’s “healthier products”, the email shows, and discussed a partnership with the Mars candy bar company.

Separately in 2015, a partnership between the Academy and Kraft ignited controversy when the Academy agreed to allow the company to put its “Kid’s Eat Healthy” seal on Kraft Singles packaging, which suggested an independent source verified the product’s nutritional value.

But critics quickly pointed out that the product has poor nutritional value; it is not classified by the federal government as cheese but “Pasteurized Prepared Cheese Product”; and it includes dyes and other chemicals. In the face of blowback, the Academy rescinded its stamp.

About $4.5m of corporate funding from companies like General Mills went to an initiative called the “Champions Program”, which granted funds to hundreds of non-governmental organizations to support projects “promoting healthy eating and active lifestyles for children and their families”.

The Academy didn’t respond to specific questions from the Guardian, but directed it to a response to the study on its website. It denied wrongdoing, said the study contains factual errors, and said the study takes its financials out of context. It said “stringent” guidelines are in place to prevent corporate influence on its programming.

The Academy added that corporate funding only makes up a small part of revenues, and an independent firm manages its stock portfolio.

“Through their assumptions, omissions and distortions, the authors of the report have done a serious disservice to the Academy, our members and the entire nutrition and dietetics profession,” the statement reads.

The documents only surfaced because Martin, a former academy president who works for a public school district in Georgia, used her school email for Academy business, which meant the communications were subject to Foia.

The study also highlights the revolving door between the Academy and industry. Among its staff and board members are current and former public relations staff for companies that represent big food, as well as consultants or employees for large food entities like Monsanto, Sodexo, the Sugar Association, Bayer and the International Food Information Council, and industry front group.

The Academy, previously called the American Dietetic Association, has appeared to be under the control of big food interests for “as long as I have been familiar with the Academy”, said Marion Nestle, a nutritionist and public health advocate who wrote about the ties in her 2002 book, Food Politics. She said the financial ties raise “fundamental questions about credibility”.

“How can the Academy advise the public to avoid ultra-processed foods, for example, if it is funded by the makers of those foods?” she asked. “The issue of trust is critical to nutrition advising. The Academy looks like it represents the food industry, not the public interest.”