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Non-Tech : The Brazil Board -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: kidl who wrote (2406)8/7/2023 12:50:58 AM
From: elmatador  Respond to of 2504
 
IN THE FOOD SECURITY SECTOR

The project designed by Brazil’s Agriculture Ministry envisages the recovery and conversion of up to 40 million hectares of grazing land in Brazil, which could potentially double the country’s production area without deforestation, thus contributing for the world’s food security, as well as the climate change control by cutting carbon emissions. Fávaro was also received at oil firm Saudi Basic Industries Corporation (SABIC).



ELMAT: South Korea plans $120 billion invetsment in 10 years.
In a meeting with the Export and Import Bank of South Korea, the Korea Eximbank, the Minister of Agriculture and Livestock of Brazil (Mapa), Carlos Fávaro, presented the Brazilian proposal for the recovery of low productivity pastures that aims to intensify the production of food sustainably.


Saudi Arabia to partner up with Brazil to rebuild pastures

In meetings in Saudi Arabia, Brazil’s Agriculture minister Carlos Fávaro saw a local willingness to take part in the program that plans on doubling Brazil’s food output without deforestation. Businesspeople participating in the delegation had parallel meetings supported by the Arab Brazilian Chamber and ApexBrasil.

31/07/2023 193

Isaura Daniel
isaura.daniel@anba.com.br

São Paulo – Saudis showed interest in joining Brazil’s sustainable food production program, the Brazilian Ministry of Agriculture Livestock and Supply reported following the visit of minister Carlos Fávaro to the Arab country on Sunday (30).

Fávaro was in Riyadh accompanied by a delegation consisting of senators, agribusiness entrepreneurs, and a technical team. The Arab Brazilian Chamber of Commerce (ABCC) and the Brazilian Trade and Investment Promotion Agency (ApexBrasil) were part of the group and supported the hosting of corporate meetings.

Fávaro was welcomed by Saudi Arabia’s Environment, Water and Agriculture minister Abdulrahman Al Fadley, and they talked about establishing a working group aimed at organizing and implementing a joint partnership in agriculture, livestock, and agricultural inputs.

Brazil’s Agriculture Minister is leading the initiative that intends to become the world’s largest sustainable food production program by recovering degraded grazing lands and doubling Brazil’s food output without deforestation. The Saudi minister said his ministry will work for bringing the Saudi private sector into the initiative.

Fávaro was also welcomed at Saudi Agricultural and Livestock Investment Company (SALIC), which confirmed its interest in joining the program. The minister met with SALIC acting CEO Mohammed bin Mansour Al-Mousa. They agreed the company will establish and led a second group to continue the talks in the private sector and identify Saudi companies interested in the program.


The project designed by Brazil’s Agriculture Ministry envisages the recovery and conversion of up to 40 million hectares of grazing land in Brazil, which could potentially double the country’s production area without deforestation, thus contributing for the world’s food security, as well as the climate change control by cutting carbon emissions. Fávaro was also received at oil firm Saudi Basic Industries Corporation (SABIC).

The minister was accompanied in his meetings by Brazil’s ambassador to Saudi Arabia, Sérgio Bath. “The main goal of the mission was to present Brazil’s degraded grazing land recovery program to Saudis,” he said. He highlighted the significant delegation that accompanied the minister, with officials of Brazil’s Agriculture Minister, Foreign Affairs Ministry, agricultural research agency Embrapa, state-controlled lender Banco do Brasil, and state development bank BNDES, senators Rogério Carvalho and Irajá Silvestre, and businesspeople.

Businesspeople from Brazil

The private sector officials participating in the delegation had appointments in Saudi Arabia that were focused on business connections. They participated in a breakfast held by the ABCC and ApexBrasil at Brazil’s Embassy in Riyadh, which was also attended by a Saudi free zone and saw talks on agribusiness and investments. The party was welcomed by the embassy’s minister counsellor Rubem Amaral.

The business delegation also had a meeting with King Abdullah Petroleum Studies and Research Center (KAPSARC) president Fahad Alajlan, where they discussed sustainable agribusiness, biofuels and the United Nations COP28 climate summit to take place later this year in the United Arab Emirates. The head of the Foreign Ministry’s Agricultural Policy Division, Bruno Leite, participated.

“This business mission allowed businesspeople to discover the opportunities, ways to connect to this market, the Saudi market’s needs and desire for Brazilian goods. ApexBrasil is designing a robust plan of how to access and develop more initiatives to further tap into this market together with the private sector and relevant partners in the region like the ABCC,” said Tatiana Riera, CEO of ApexBrasil’s Dubai office for the Middle East, North Africa, and India.

The head of the ABCC office in Dubai, Rafael Solimeo, participated in the meetings. “Saudi Arabia is the Arab world’s largest economy, accounting for 25% of the region’s gross domestic product. In 2022 Brazil exported nearly USD 3 billion worth of goods to Saudis, mostly from agribusiness. It makes a lot of sense that this mission has come to talk to this major client of Brazil that’s Saudi Arabia,” he said.

Both Solimeo and Riera highlighted the time when the mission is taking place, on the same days that a Saudi delegation led by the Arab country’s Investment minister Khalid Al Falih is in Brazil with a large corporate party. “They’re in Brazil seeking to invest and attract investments, and we’re in Saudi Arabia at the same time, also seeking to invest and attract investments,” said Solimeo.

After Saudi Arabia, the delegation will move on this week to the UAE. The visit to the two Middle Eastern countries is part of a broader mission of Brazil’s Agriculture Ministry that has also included South Korea and Japan. The ministry has held a series of appointments for promoting Brazil’s intensified production aiming to attract foreign investments.



To: kidl who wrote (2406)8/7/2023 1:08:43 AM
From: elmatador  Respond to of 2504
 
Saudis invested in tech and in Swiss banking. Got severely burned. Now opting for the Global South



Spotlight: Saudi Arabia's LatAm strategy
BnamericasPublished: Tuesday, August 01, 2023
Trade ESG Climate change Mergers & Acquisitions Clean Energy Transition Show 2 more



Saudi Arabia's investment ministry officials are touring Brazil, Chile, Costa Rica, Argentina, Panama and Paraguay amid attempts to diversify its economy away from oil production.

Among the first stops of investment minister Khalid Al-Falih was a forum at the headquarters of São Paulo state industries federation Fiesp, in which federal officials also took part.

The forum celebrated the 50th anniversary of Saudi Arabia opening an embassy in Brazil and was used to sign 25 MOUs in the petrochemicals, healthcare, tourism and other sectors.

"The Saudis are interested in assets in a very diversified way in the region, ranging from those linked to the energy transition and mining to agriculture and logistics," Carlos Daltozo, head of equity analysis at Eleven Financial Research, told BNamericas.

“Saudi Arabia’s regional investment model also differs from China’s, [which] usually prefers to take control of assets and projects. Saudi Arabia [prefers] to seek local partners for investments in the region,” added Daltozo, who also participated in the event.

An MOU between civil construction company OEC and the investment ministry involves the former opening a regional headquarters in Saudi Arabia to explore opportunities in consortium with Saudi companies, the ministry said in a statement.

Before the forum, miner Vale announced an accord to sell a 13% stake in its VBM copper and nickel division for US$3.4bn to Manara Minerals, a JV between Ma’aden and Saudi Arabia’s investment fund, the company said in a statement.

The delegation’s tour will end on August 9 in Panama, where other “high-level business-to-business roundtables which will provide the opportunity to explore the potential to deepen existing partnerships” will take place, according to the ministry.

"The visit reflects growing economic ties between Saudi Arabia and the Americas. Last year saw the first Saudi-Caribbean investment forum held in the Dominican Republic while earlier this year, a senior Saudi delegation … visited Costa Rica, the Dominican Republic, Panama and Colombia," it added.

According to the ministry, Saudi Arabia’s non-oil sectors are growing strongly as the country seeks to unlock more than US$3tn in investment through a national strategy – which Brazil wants to take advantage of.

“We need development combined with sustainability. Brazil is committed to combating climate change, to preserving the largest tropical forest in the world, and by making this [energy] transition, we will see several opportunities for investment and partnerships arise,” vice president Geraldo Alckmin said at the forum.

Saudi Arabia, meanwhile, wants to be prepared for lower fossil fuel demand. Peak demand has been reached, with expected further reductions through 2050, BP said in its energy outlook.

"The future of global energy is dominated by four trends: a declining role for hydrocarbons, rapid expansion in renewables, increasing electrification, and growing use of low-carbon hydrogen," the report said.

Pictured: Saudi Arabian and Brazilian federal and state representatives at the forum.





To: kidl who wrote (2406)8/16/2023 4:54:42 AM
From: elmatador  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 2504
 
The Elon Musk of steel?
Meet the Brazilian mogul who just bid $7.2 billion to bring two Fortune 500 giants together

Paolo Confino
Tue, August 15, 2023 at 12:13 AM GMT+3·9 min read



U.S. Steel is just one of those companies. Ranked No. 186 on the Fortune 500, it was founded all the way back in 1901 from the merger of several giants in the steel city of Pittsburgh in a deal involving Andrew Carnegie, J.P. Morgan, and Charles Schwab.

It was the first $1 billion company in American history, on top of holding a record as the largest IPO of all time, and was created from a $492 million deal that would be valued at over $17 billion today, minting some 50 to 100 millionaires in the process.

Now you can add another big name to the long history of U.S. Steel, if perhaps only for a week or two: Lourenco Goncalves, CEO of the firm from Ohio that ranks number 170 on the Fortune 500.

The loquacious Brazilian is CEO of Cleveland-Cliffs, a metals firm he took from loss-making and heavily indebted to strong enough to table a $7.2 billion bid for the historic national champion.

The former engineer is known for castigating analysts and short-sellers alike and making risky and splashy acquisitions, but also for revitalizing a long-dormant industrial firm while cultivating a reputation as a particularly union-friendly executive.

But this deal would boost his profile considerably—if not etch his name into history along with the Carnegies and Morgans of the financial universe.

A closer look at the man behind the bid shows a willingness to do—and say—almost anything to take his business to the top.

His tenure as Cleveland-Cliffs CEO has been a journey from the red to the black. When he took over the 176-year-old scrap metal firm in 2014, the company ended the year with revenues of $4.6 billion and a loss of $8.3 billion. By the end of last year, revenues had quintupled to $23 billion, while profits stood at $1.4 billion.

Cleveland-Cliffs’ offer to acquire U.S. Steel was first made in July, the market has now been informed, and it values U.S. Steel shares at $35, a 43% premium on Friday’s closing price of $22.72. The market roared its approval on Monday, sending shares up nearly 37% to $31.08.

Goncalves said his offer was rebuffed as “unreasonable,” but he is confident of closing it to create what Cleveland-Cliffs estimates would be the only American steel company in the world’s top 10, according to a press release issued on Sunday. For its part, U.S. Steel has hired a bevy of advisors and launched a review of strategic alternatives, while disclosing it received multiple unsolicited offers for all or parts of the company, including from Goncalves.

Goncalves, a veteran of the steel industry in both his native Brazil and the U.S., has been on an acquisition spree in recent years. Under his leadership, Cleveland-Cliffs made two big acquisitions the year the pandemic struck: In March 2020 it bought AK Steel, at the time the largest producer of iron ore pellets in North America, for $1.1 billion; followed by the December purchase of the U.S. assets of Luxembourgian manufacturing behemoth ArcelorMittal for $1.4 billion. Goncalves alluded to both transactions in his comments, citing Cleveland-Cliffs’ experience in “extracting meaningful synergies from previous acquisitions.” The firm added that it expects to create roughly $500 million in synergies if it were to acquire U.S. Steel.

They are all part of a larger push to vertically integrate Cleveland-Cliffs’ entire manufacturing process. In the 2020 deals, he acquired companies that had previously been customers and to whom the company sold raw materials needed to produce the pig iron used to make steel. Meanwhile, U.S. Steel invested heavily in a steel manufacturing process that relies heavily on scrap metal, something that Cleveland Cliff already produces in abundance. Making the deal even more appealing is the fact that the two companies have invested in different, but complementary green technologies.

Goncalves’s adversarial history with Wall Street

Aside from being a savvy M&A expert, Goncalves has also made a name for himself owing to his penchant for, at times, openly berating analysts. Perhaps humorously, he lit into Goldman Sachs’ basic materials and industrials analyst Matthew Korn on a 2018 earnings call.

Goncalves, who had taken issue with Korn’s past assessments of Cleveland-Cliffs, criticized the analyst for skipping out on the call. “You can run, but you can’t hide,” Goncalves said. He went on to (jokingly?) threaten the analyst, saying he was eager to confront Korn at the Goldman Sachs conference “very soon” and advising him to bring backup in the form of a colleague on the commodities desk.

“It will be easier for you if you have the commodity desk guy with you interviewing me,” Goncalves said on the call in 2018. “If you are alone, it will be a lot worse. It will be bad no matter what, but it will be a lot worse if you’re alone.”

The two would in fact appear together at a Goldman-sponsored conference in November 2019, where they appeared to reconcile.

Earlier on the same 2018 call, Goncalves took big bank analysts in general to task over what he believed was their inability to understand Cleveland-Cliffs’ plans to pay off debt and fund efforts to reduce its climate impact, while still returning capital to shareholders.

“It’s unbelievable that these big banks still employ this type of people,” Goncalves said. “You guys should resign for your lack of knowledge of things, because it’s not like you don’t understand our business. You don’t understand your own business. You are a disaster. You are an embarrassment to your parents.”

In particular, he expressed disdain for short-sellers as “kids that play with computers and somebody else’s money,” saying he prefers instead to reward long-term holders of the stock.

“We are going to screw these guys so badly that I don’t believe that they will be able to only resign; they will have to commit suicide,” he said of the particular short-sellers that he accused of causing the company’s stock to fall.

Goncalves wasn’t done. “It will all be done to inflict maximum pain to these guys,” he continued on the same call. “I will wake up in the morning every day, looking at these guys, and I go to bed at night every day thinking about these guys. And that’s a bad place to be.”

Goncalves’s personal dislike for short-sellers goes back to his early days in the top job at Cleveland-Cliffs. On his first earnings call as CEO in August 2014, he refused to take Wells Fargo securities analyst Sam Dubinsky’s question because the analyst had downgraded the price target for Cleveland-Cliffs’ stock. “I’m not going to answer your question because you already know everything about my company,” Goncalves said with open sarcasm.

These shenanigans recall another CEO with an engineering background, a tendency to take big swings with M&A, and even a love of the letter “X.”

Back in 2018, Tesla CEO Elon Musk exhibited similar disillusionment with Wall Street types during the question-and-answer portion of a first quarter earnings call. On that call, he repeatedly referred to questions as “boring” and even termed one “boneheaded.” Musk apologized for “being impolite” on Tesla’s following earnings call in August of that year. Musk also has a long history of frustration with short-sellers, referring to the practice as a way for “bad people on Wall Street to steal money from small investors,” during a trial earlier this year.

Cleveland-Cliffs did not respond to Fortune’s request for comment.

A labor-friendly CEO
An engineer by training, Goncalves graduated from the Military Institute of Engineering in Rio de Janeiro, before getting a master’s degree in metallurgical engineering from the Federal University of Minas Gerais in Belo Horizonte.

Goncalves steadily rose in the ranks of the steel manufacturing industry for years in Brazil, the U.S., and Europe—where he was a former board member of French steelmaker Ascometal. Prior to his current role, he was the chief executive, president, and chair of Metals USA. And before that he led another American industrial giant, California Steel Industries.

In October 2022, he steered Cleveland-Cliffs through one of the highest-profile tightropes a manufacturing CEO can face: negotiating a new union contract. The labor agreement that he reached with the United Steelworkers union guaranteed workers a 20% increase in base wages and included a pledge from the company to invest $4 billion in new facilities.

Goncalves has shown himself to be a particularly union-friendly executive, rarely expressing the outright hostility other C-suite types are known for when it comes to organized labor. In an interview with Fortune CEO Alan Murray in May 2022, Goncalves showed an eagerness to defy stereotypes of the out-of-touch, even callous executive. “Every single CEO you talk to will tell you they work for the shareholder,” he said. “I don’t. I work for my people.”

This could have relevance in his campaign to win over U.S. Steel, as U.S. Steel’s contract with the United Steelworkers has a clause that gives the union a decisive vote in any takeover bid, which it has said it will only exercise in favor of Cleveland-Cliffs’ offer.

The union’s decision to do so leaves U.S. Steel with little room to maneuver. If it wants to avoid a takeover by Cleveland-Cliffs, then U.S. Steel would likely have to either find another buyer that made an offer appetizing enough for labor to renege on its promise, or convince shareholders that a 43% premium on their current shares wasn’t a deal worth taking, so they’d vote against any merger whatsoever.

Goncalves showcased the long-term thinking that has thus far characterized the M&A binge that’s become a hallmark of his strategy at Cleveland-Cliffs during an interview with CNBC on Monday. Without a merger, he argued that Cleveland-Cliffs, and in his view the U.S., wouldn’t be able to compete with the world’s biggest manufacturers, particularly from China. “I’m using the playbook,” he said.

The interview ended up being a perfect encapsulation of Goncalves, the executive and the person. He laid out a meticulous business case for a merger that would drastically improve results for Cleveland-Cliffs shareholders and workers; while repeatedly correcting CNBC reporter Leslie Picker about the proper pronunciation of his name, before ultimately taking no prisoners and calling her Lourdes as he signed off.

Judging by his ambitions for Cleveland-Cliffs and for the American steel industry, Lourenco Goncalves is acting like he wants the business books to remember his name.



To: kidl who wrote (2406)10/17/2023 4:03:44 AM
From: elmatador  Respond to of 2504
 
The Escalating China-U.S. Strategic Rivalry: Where Does Brazil Stand?

William M. Zolinger Fujii | October 16, 2023

The beginning of Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva’s third term has revitalized the presidential diplomacy that had marked his first two administrations two decades ago. In a moment when the world faces severe problems of various natures, including great power dynamics that increasingly resemble bloc confrontation, one may wonder: where is the foreign policy of Lula 3.0 taking Brazil?

For those who expected to see an unequivocal alignment with the ‘free world,’ it has probably been a disappointment. At last month’s G77 Summit of developing nations in Havana and UN General Assembly in New York, the Brazilian president focused his criticisms on the United States rather than Russia, though he made general references to the conflict in Ukraine.

Earlier in the year, the Brazil-China Summit held in April had already sounded the alarm in some quarters in Washington, as the two countries agreed to deepen cooperation in various areas and de-dollarize bilateral trade in the future. Further echoing China’s views, Lula has maintained an ambiguous position on the causes of the war in Ukraine and accused the U.S. of encouraging the continuation of the conflict.

Undeniably, Beijing has become a major player in South America, not only emerging as the region’s largest trading partner but also increasing its strategic footprint. Since 2018, it has run a space station in Argentina’s Patagonia region and is reportedly negotiating the installation of a military naval base in Tierra del Fuego, which would give the People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) access to Antarctica and the South Atlantic. In the so-called ‘lithium triangle’—an area in Argentina, Bolivia, and Chile which accounts for 60 percent of the world’s reserves— China has secured a palpable advantage over the U.S. and other industrial democracies through acquisitions, investments, and joint ventures. Of the twelve South American countries, nine have now joined the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).

China has been Brazil’s top trading partner since 2009 and a rapidly growing influence in the region, some wonder whether Latin America’s largest economy could be getting too close to China at the expense of its U.S. ties. How likely is that to be the case?

Brazil and Non-Alignment

Seen only in the light of recent trends, Lula’s gestures towards the People’s Republic of China (PRC), criticisms of Washington, and ambivalent position on the Ukraine war suggest Brazil may be gravitating towards China. However, a look back at history reveals long-term Brazilian foreign policy characterized by a desire to maintain an equidistant approach to the world’s two greatest powers. From this vantage point, Lula’s recent moves toward China are in line with one of the country’s main diplomatic traditions based on pragmatism, strategic autonomy, multilateralism, and negotiated solutions.

The pragmatic equidistance of the 1930s, when the Getúlio Vargas administration used the tension between the United States and Nazi Germany to extract concessions from Washington and Berlin; or the “ independent foreign policy of the early 1960s, which included abstaining from the vote that expelled Cuba from the Organization of American States (OAS) and reestablishing relations with the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), were both manifestations of this tradition. By seeking a middle ground in the China-U.S. rivalry and the war in Ukraine, Lula wishes to reposition his country internationally as a leader of the Global South after the disastrous years under former President Jair Bolsonaro. If China-U.S. relations are heralding a new ‘Cold War’, then Brazil is seeking its place as the leader of a ‘Non-Aligned Movement’ 2.0.

Broadly understood, a similar international strategy was adopted by the Ernesto Geisel administration in the mid-1970s, when the right-wing Brazilian military regime conducted a foreign policy based on the doctrine of “ responsible and ecumenical pragmatism. Although aimed at moving Brazil away from the superpower rivalry, its historical place in the Washington’s sphere of influence meant going against U.S. interests while seeking greater convergence with the Soviets. As a result, the anti-communist Brazilian regime supported the communist-led independence of Portuguese Africa, voted for the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) Resolution 3379/75, which considered Zionism a form of racism, and sought to obtain West German nuclear technology despite strident American opposition. In such a context, Brazil’s pragmatic foreign policy used the superpower rivalry to advance the country’s goals while striving for non-alignment.

Similarly, although advancing Brazilian national interests is the primary goal of Lula’s presidential diplomacy, ultimately this involves supporting the creation of a multipolar world order that better represents the relative weight and interests of developing nations. This constitutes an old aspiration of Brazilian autonomist thought which has historically resented the obstacles imposed by the core capitalist powers to the structural development of the (semi) capitalist periphery. In this regard, Brasília sees Beijing as an important partner in its quest for development and to renegotiate the international order.

Compatibility with China

Conversely, Brazil’s ambitions are largely—though not entirely—compatible with Chinese interests. To begin with, a rising Brazil could compel Washington to direct more attention and resources to the region and potentially weaken its presence in East Asia. Similar to the United States becoming a regional hegemon before expanding into Asia, China understands that its rise to superpower status cannot be consolidated without securing a hegemonic position in its neighborhood. Yet unlike the American expansion, which faced fragile republics with severe domestic problems and an ailing Spanish Empire, Beijing’s regional ambitions are resisted by advanced economies that are intimately linked to the core of global capitalism. In that sense, Brazil’s quest for national development aligns with China’s objectives in South America to the extent that it could weaken American hemispheric hegemony.

In addition, both Brazil and the PRC are staunch critics of the global multilateral financial institutions and have repeatedly called for their reform, which the U.S. has been reluctant to accept. In particular, they have pushed for changes in the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank, as these organizations do not reflect the global distribution of power in the twenty-first century. Although Brazil is a consolidated liberal democracy, its larger goals are distinctly revisionist to the extent that it advocates for the end of the U.S.-led unipolar order. That, too, makes it a natural partner of China. As such, for Beijing, a deeper strategic partnership with Brazil can at once expand its influence in South America, strengthen bilateral relations with a major country of the Global South, and foment a potentially counter-hegemonic regional power. Given that the United States is the principal obstacle to Chinese ambitions in East Asia, Beijing’s geopolitical calculus entails promoting the rise of strategic challenges to its American rival in its own ‘backyard’.

Charting a Middle Path

Though perhaps questionable from factual, legal, and moral perspectives, Brasília’s ambiguous stance on the Ukraine war is in line with its demands for a multipolar world, as Lula has drawn parallels with the Washington-led illegal invasion of Iraq that was met with complete global impunity. Such a stance has been partly designed to avoid alienating Russia completely after Brazil voted against Moscow at the United Nations—reinforcing its equidistant position from the West and the China-led pole. Lula is more likely to denounce the invasion when meeting with Western interlocutors, as he did last February after a after a summit with President Joe Biden, all the while refusing to join sanctions against Moscow and more recently declaring Putin would not be arrested if he visited Brazil—only to backtrack one day later. Regarding China, it is relevant to note that despite the signing of substantial commercial agreements, Lula has refused to join the BRI even though Beijing has been anxious to get Brazil on board for its most ambitious international project.

Seeking a middle ground, however, does not require a completely balanced approach to the two giants, given Brazil’s traditionally closer links to Washington than to Beijing. Because of that, Lula’s Workers’ Party (PT) understands that managing a position of non-alignment may involve distancing Brazil from the U.S. to reach a ‘halfway point,’ so to speak, between the two emerging poles.

With the structural shifts taking place externally, Brazil will continue to use the emerging China-U.S. rivalry to advance its interests. For Washington, it must take note that its persistent ‘China threat’ discourse has limited resonance in Brazil and, indeed, Latin America as a whole. All things considered, while the chances of Sino-Brazilian relations developing into an anti-American front are virtually null, they may nonetheless force the United States to commit more resources to the hemisphere in a time when it is struggling to compete with Beijing in the Indo-Pacific. As the ‘unipolar moment’ comes to an end, American policymakers need to understand that a profound recalibration of their strategic approach to Brazil will be required.



William M. Zolinger Fujii is a political scientist and DAAD Fellow at the Otto Suhr Institute of Political Science and Graduate School of East Asian Studies, Freie Universität Berlin. He has previously served as a career civil servant in Brazil and Japan



To: kidl who wrote (2406)10/26/2023 4:19:34 AM
From: elmatador  Respond to of 2504
 
New 'boom' in oil and gas sector gives Brazil a prominent role

cycle of strong resurgence of activities in the oil and gas market around the world.
ESG biting the dust RIP

New 'boom' in oil and gas sector gives Brazil a prominent role
Bnamericas
Published: Wednesday, October 25, 2023

By Rogério Ibrahim, CEO of Foresea

We are experiencing a cycle of strong resurgence of activities in the oil and gas market around the world. In this context, South America is gaining more importance in offshore production with a wave of new projects, and Brazil has taken on a prominent position in this resurgence due to its potential production increase.

The oil industry that operates in our territory has announced investments of 102bn reais (US$20bn) by 2025, according to the Brazilian association of oil services companies (Abespetro).

As a consequence, according to estimates by Brazil’s petroleum institute IBP, in the next 10 years, the upstream segment alone will be responsible for more than 400,000 jobs as an annual average, as well as contributions of more than US$600bn to public revenues (considering royalties, income tax, special participations, profit oil payments and investment obligations in research & development).

If the pace of the energy transition was the main theme of the global debate before the war in Ukraine, then the issues of energy supply security and the impacts caused by the imbalance between supply and demand in the context of rising oil prices have now become hot topics as well.

Countries that sought an active reduction in oil and gas investments were forced to reflect anew. This new market outlook is bringing a cycle of investments, especially for Brazil, with significant opportunities for the growth of oil extraction and production areas in deep waters, the so-called upstream offshore.

The country can benefit from its significant operational safety indices and the award of exclusive and internationally recognized certifications, thus experiencing a strong resurgence in job creation in the offshore area and a new boom in the oil and gas market.

The scenario for offshore drilling and production companies shows a consistent recovery, as they have restructured their capital globally in recent years, following the crises of the past, resulting in increased business attractiveness driven by global demand for oil and, consequently, drilling rigs. The worldwide wave of mergers and corporate restructuring in the industry is currently being brought to a conclusion, bringing renewed financial strength to companies in the sector and shaping a more balanced future from 2024 with new projects, primarily in offshore drilling.

From January to July 2023, new contracts around the world have been agreed for longer periods and with higher daily rates. In the first half of 2022, the global average for contracts was 170-day cycles with an average daily rate of US$251,000. From January to July 2023, the average contract duration jumped to 272 days with an average daily rate of US$323,000. This same growth trend is being experienced in the Brazilian market.

Investments in upstream activities, an area in which Brazil has historical expertise, increased by around 20% in 2022 alone. With the imminent recovery of the offshore extraction and production sector, which provides services, operations, drilling rigs, platforms and large production vessels (Floating Production, Storage, and Offloading Units – FPSOs) to oil companies holding exploration licenses, the volume of tenders has increased and that has a direct impact on the growth in business and the ongoing recovery of the sector, which was heavily affected by the crises of recent years, especially during the most critical period of the COVID-19 pandemic.

Today, the oil and gas industry represents 15% of the country's industrial GDP and IBP predicts that the sector will continue to contribute to economic growth, moving around US$180bn between 2022 and 2031, solely in drilling and production investments.

Diversification is equally positive news in this process of recovery of the market. Even with Petrobras acting as the driving force of the oil industry in the country, we are still feeling the effects of a reduction of around 80% in the number of operating drilling rigs between 2012 to 2023. In contrast, the new upward cycle in the market is attracting interest from at least 83 economic groups, of which 45 are domestic and 38 are foreign, according to oil and gas regulator ANP. Certainly, planning a schedule for new rounds of tenders may be one of the solutions to ensure the evolution of oil production in the country, allowing companies to allocate funds.

Even companies committed to reducing the use of fossil fuels have made it clear that a future without hydrocarbons is unimaginable, given the post-pandemic increase in demand.

Regardless of the progress and issues supported by ESG best practices, it is a fact that the world still consumes about 100mn barrels of oil per day, and that volume is not expected to drastically decrease in the short term, even in the face of increased new energy sources. The energy transition is a gradual, long-term process of reconciling energy sources.

The oil market constitutes one of the most complex production chains in the world. Its strength in providing energy and operational security, as well as high technology, ensures the wellbeing of society in the pursuit of the energy that moves the world. In the case of Brazil, the strength of this industry is even more essential, particularly in the extraction and production sector, which provides quality jobs both onshore and offshore on drilling rigs and production platforms, which means that a new growth cycle is undoubtedly on the horizon.

Disclaimer: This content is the sole responsibility of the author and does not necessarily reflect the opinion of BNamericas. We invite those interested in participating as a Guest Columnist to submit an article for possible publication. To do so, contact the editor at electric@bnamericas.com.