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China Won’t Save Iran’s Regime – But Chinese Surveillance Technology Might Yes, China’s response to the violence in Iran has been muted. But don’t overlook the support that China has already provided in the form of surveillance and drone technology.
By William Figueroa January 17, 2026
 Iranian special police units gather to suppress protests, Dec. 29, 2025.
Credit: Wikimedia Commons/ Msdroriginal

Subscribe for ads-free readingThe outbreak of mass protests in Iran amid economic disaster and ongoing foreign aggression poses a serious challenge to the leadership of the Islamic Republic of Iran. While the unrest raised serious questions about the survival of the regime, even among those who are normally skeptical of such claims, the brutal and technologically sophisticated crackdown that followed was as effective as it was ruthless. The protests have slowed under violent repression, and despite Trump’s reckless claims that “help is on the way,” the United States does not seem to be gearing up for another military campaign.
Caught between American bombs and Iranian bullets, ordinary Iranians are the ones who suffer the most.
Given the dramatic events that have unfolded, the cautious and relatively muted response of China, arguably Iran’s most significant economic and political partner, took many observers by surprise. Mao Ning, the spokesperson of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, struck an initially cautious tone when she called for the Iranian government and people to “overcome the current difficulties and uphold stability.” Foreign Minister Wang Yi condemned U.S. threats to intervene as a return to the “law of the jungle,” and juxtaposed American aggression with China’s offer to play a “constructive role” to help the Iranian people and the government “stand united.” Other than these statements, no concrete actions have been taken.
However, as others have pointed out, this is hardly a surprising response given China’s comparative strengths and weaknesses, regional interests, and relative underinvestment in Iran. China’s strength in the region lies in its ability to provide economic investment opportunities and diplomatic mediation between its many partners. Diplomacy is of limited utility when it comes to internal unrest, and is also unlikely to be able to rein in the United States given the current administration’s penchant for unilateral action.
Furthermore, China is far more invested in neighboring Gulf states than it is in Iran itself. With little to offer and only modest investments at stake, taking a wait-and-see approach makes sense.
Implications for Chinese Diplomacy
Many will see this as undermining China’s image as a diplomatic player, or exposing the “limits” of Sino-Iranian friendship. There is some truth to this, but reality is that current situation is almost completely out of Beijing’s hands, and its global partners seem to understand that.
China’s broader diplomatic and economic strengths remains unchanged, and there was never any serious expectation in Iran or elsewhere that China would be able to protect Iran from the United States or its own contradictions. Underscoring this point, Theo Nencini, a researcher and lecturer at Sciences Po Grenoble, told the Washington Post that it seems unlikely that China’s stance “undermines its political credibility among its traditional diplomatic partners, or that it significantly damages its reputation as a ‘responsible partner.’”
Some countries are increasingly wary about working with China, but this is the result of increased pressure from the United States. As Venezuelan officials come under pressure to cut ties with China, Russia, and Cuba, this dynamic could not be clearer. Although the Trump administration pressures its allies to choose between the U.S. and China, in practice, most countries seek to hedge their bets, maintaining a strong ties with Washington while turning to China and to pursue goals or fund projects that the West is unwilling or unable to do. This is unlikely to be affected by the current situation.

Nor does this damage China’s credibility as an “ anti-Western” crusader, because China never claimed this role for itself in the first place. Beijing positions itself as an alternative to a system that it recognizes as biased against it, but China also benefits tremendously from the global economic system, of which it is an integral part. Its diplomacy is designed to expand this role in this system, while managing tensions and rivalries that arise over its expansion. For China, there is no contradiction between portraying itself as an alternative to a Western-dominated order, while at the same time maintaining strong economic ties to the West.
However, China’s response to the violence in Iran does highlight a fundamental truth about Chinese global power: that its relations with other countries must always be understood in the context of its relationship with the United States. In Iran’s case, the entire relationship is predicated on the hostility between Iran and the United States: American sanctions provide the conditions that both made Iran so open to Chinese trade and frustrate further investment, and the loud promotion of Sino-Iranian ties and continued purchases of oil sends the message that China is willing and able to defy U.S policy. Presently, Beijing appears more concerned with the unilateral use of American force than it is with the survival of the Iranian regime in and of itself.
The repeated rounds of violence and instability in Iran over the past few years can only deepen the impression many Chinese officials and academics have that the country is a high-risk area for investment. Likely, the role of Iran in China’s regional strategy will be necessarily downgraded for the foreseeable future, at least until stability is restored, but this was already happening given their ongoing economic and political crises. However, China’s broader ambitions, goals, and strategies of building alternative networks and economic development projects are likely to remain unchanged.
Tools of Repression
One important factor that has been underappreciated is the support that China has already provided to Iran in the form of surveillance and drone technology. Chinese firms have been an integral part of the expansion of Iran’s surveillance architecture, with companies like Tiandy selling equipment and providing training courses. Chinese companies have also been involved in efforts to strengthen Iran’s intranet, making it easier to cut off communication with the outside world, and play an active role in supplying technology and equipment to Iranian drone manufacturers.
This technology played a major role in the repression of this and previous protests. Facial recognition technology from surveillance cameras was deployed after the Women Life Freedom protests that followed the murder of Jina Mahsa Amini in 2022. The technology was used to identify and round up protesters after the fact, and it is reportedly being used similarly again.
As the protests spread, internet access was terminated with unprecedented speed and reach, cutting Iranians off from the outside world and from their friends and families abroad. Eyewitness accounts report that drones were used to corral protesters, including by firing on crowds. In other cases, drones were used to identify victims on the streets or even in their own homes, after chanting from within houses to avoid going outside became a popular protest tactic.

China is not the only country providing this technology. European and American companies also provide and manufacture surveillance technology for China itself, playing an indirect role further up the supply chain. This is a transnational issue. China is a major player in the Iranian context, but the problem has its roots in a global network of high-tech surveillance manufacturers. The Iranian people, despite their heroic efforts to assert their own rights and hold their government accountable, remain stuck between the political games of Washington, Tehran, and Beijing.
The future is uncertain, but as the protests slow under the weight of brutal repression, it seems unlikely that the Islamic Republic will fall in the short term. If the regime does survive, it will be in no small part due to the surveillance technology and tools of oppression shared between the Chinese and Iranian governments. From this perspective, China is by no means a bit player in the current crisis, but rather one whose influence is felt behind the scenes.
Residents of the region are all too familiar with this dynamic. Opposition to American politics was and continues to be fueled by the recognition that many of the tear gas canisters, bullets, and bombs dropped by both the Israeli Defense Force and their own governments proudly bear the “Made in the USA” label. China would do well to take note of this history. ]Its reputation as the country that comes to trade and build, rather than bomb and destroy, will be seriously undermined if “Made in China” also becomes synonymous with the buzzing of drones and the smell of smoke
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