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Politics : Bill Clinton Scandal - SANITY CHECK -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Daniel Schuh who wrote (6605)10/2/1998 10:32:00 AM
From: DMaA  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 67261
 
What about poor Billy's privacy? Billy shouldn't be beneath the law should he? Billy removed from his job by unscrupulous bullies? Are Billy's enemies improperly interested in his sex life?

Oct. 2, 1998 Tony Snow

WASHINGTON -- By the time Congress completes its inquiry into Bill Clinton's impeachability, you're likely to hear a lot about Billy Ray Dale.

Dale ran the White House Travel Office for eight years -- until May 20, 1993. On that fateful day, he and his staff were herded into a room, fired and given an hour to clear out. Dale says the White House ''was a family'' when he arrived in 1961. (He was once even Caroline Kennedy's Santa.) More than 31 years later, he was stuffed in a seatless van and hauled away.

He didn't know it, but he was about to become a poster boy for the abuse of presidential power.

Hours after the putsch, then-White House lawyer William Kennedy III demanded that the FBI mount a criminal inquiry, claiming he was acting on ''the highest authority.''

The G-men dutifully cooked up a set of charges against Dale: embezzlement, kickbacks, cooking accounting ledgers and living beyond his means. Hollywood producer Harry Thomason predicted a public-relations bonanza: ''This is going to be a great story -- Bill Clinton cleaning up the White House!''

Instead, the administration got a black eye. Reporters knew Dale and trusted him. He had handled their flight arrangements on presidential trips for years.

Furthermore, the facts didn't add up. The books weren't a mess, as the FBI claimed: Dale had used an accounting system created by the White House computer office. Under normal circumstances, he and his staff could lay hands on any financial document within 10 minutes.

But they had been set up. Catherine Cornelius, a distant cousin of the president, had been dispatched to spy on the department -- and possibly to help the aforementioned Thomason grab some of the lucrative White House air-charter business.

Cornelius swiped some records, copied and misplaced others, and generally made a mess of things. When an auditor from Peat Marwick swooped in and asked Dale to produce some paperwork, the files in question were missing. Says Dale, ''He determined from that incident that we had sloppy record keeping.''


The FBI redoubled its efforts to find dirt on Dale. It scoured his bank records and financial data. Agents fanned out across the country. They asked a woman in Dallas if she was Dale's mistress, since he had given her a $1,500 check. She was his sister. ''I had a brother who died,'' Dale explains. ''I repaid money he had borrowed from her years before.''

They accosted his daughter after she returned from her honeymoon. They interrogated her for eight hours, repeatedly reducing her to tears. They asked who attended her wedding -- any reporters? Any Republicans? What did they talk about at the reception? How did she pay for her honeymoon?

Another daughter got a slightly milder grilling. Ditto for his son, who arrived home from a business trip one evening at midnight -- only to find a G-man parked in his driveway, clutching a subpoena.


The nightmare lasted 30 months -- and a jury threw out the case in just 20 minutes. ''After all that time,'' Dale says, ''the FBI could find not one person that I had done business with or had associated with who could testify against me. That gave me a good feeling.''

But his tribulations weren't over. The Internal Revenue Service put him through an audit that lasted three years. Guess what it found: He had overpaid.

Outraged Republicans in the House of Representatives voted to cover Dale's legal bills. But then-Sen. David Pryor of Arkansas put a hold on the measure, effectively killing it. (Pryor now heads Bill Clinton's legal-defense fund.) Dale got his money only because of some astute parliamentary maneuvering by Sen. Orrin Hatch.

And now, he's far more dangerous than Monica Lewinsky. Consider a couple of comparisons based on his case.

Richard Nixon: He asked the IRS to go after political enemies. The agency refused and audited him instead.

Clinton: The IRS not only went after Dale. It also audited Paula Jones and more than a dozen prominent conservative organizations.

Nixon: He asked the FBI to snoop on some of his enemies. It refused.

Clinton: The FBI went after Dale -- and turned his file over to the White House months after Dale's ouster.

Most poignant is the difference between Dale and Bill Clinton's well-paid thugs. When asked why he hadn't tried to cash in on his experience, he explains: ''There are people who have told me that you've got to tell dirt on people in order to write a book and get it to sell. ... The people I know stuff about? I just don't want to talk about it.

''But I see people on television defending the president, and I know things about them. I know what their credibility is for me. I've had to cover for them. And it just burns me up.''



To: Daniel Schuh who wrote (6605)10/2/1998 11:01:00 AM
From: Zoltan!  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 67261
 
'Third Way' Blather

By Charles Krauthammer

Friday, October 2, 1998; Page A27

First Reagan, then Thatcher, now Kohl. The heroic age -- the age of the
outsized, unswerving leaders who brought victory to the last great global
conflict of the 20th century -- is over.
Now it is Clinton, Blair and
Schroeder, as in Gerhard Schroeder, the newly elected chancellor of
Germany.

The old guard's exit was by no means as swift and unsentimental as
Britain's rejection of Churchill less than two months after Germany
surrendered in World War II. But the what-have-you-done-for-me-lately
message is the same. The three Western countries most instrumental in
winning the Cold War have turned out the hard-line parties that won it.

And turned toward . . . what? Clinton, Blair and Schroeder represent a
new generation, a willingness to experiment ("the courage to change" --
Clinton '92), and the promise of a kinder, gentler capitalism. That should
be explanation enough. But for Clinton and Blair and the intellectuals who
flatter them, that won't do. Vanity demands that they be more than just
clever, adaptive politicians. They must be leaders of a heretofore
unrecognized world-historical movement.

What is it? We'll get to that. First, all great movements must have a name.
In this century of isms, an eponymous ism -- Clintonism, say -- would have
been nice. Unfortunately that word is not available, having already and
forever entered the lexicon as "a lie wrapped in a hair-splitting half-truth, as
in 'I did not inhale.' "


The movement has instead been dubbed "The Third Way." And Tony
Blair, in a recent philosophical gem titled "Third Way, Better Way" [op-ed,
Sept. 27], explains what it is. Third Way means navigating "beyond an old
left preoccupied by state control, high taxation and producers' interests and
a new laissez-faire right championing narrow individualism and a belief that
free markets are the answer to every problem."

Now, one half of this formulation is pure invention. No one believes that
free markets are the answer to every problem. Conservatism holds simply
that free markets are a better guide than government, though government
has a crucial role in maintaining both the rule of law and a social safety net.

Blair is right, however, about the Left. The problem for the Left is this: The
end of the Cold War marks the collapse not just of communism but of
socialism.
For a hundred years, socialism was the alternative in the
democratic West to free-market capitalism. Blair's own Labor Party, for
example, stood for the preeminence of government, for nationalized
industry, for extraordinary social regulation and for massive taxation to
support it all.

It proved an unmitigated disaster. And when Reagan and Thatcher proved
the revitalizing effect of rolling it back through privatization, deregulation
and lower taxation, the rout was complete. No one believes in socialism
anymore. What was the Left to do?

Transform socialism into social conscience and compassion -- deployed,
of course, with flexibility -- producing "a new balance between rights and
duties" (Blair, again).

Sounds great. But does it mean anything? Can you give us an example?
Sure, says Blair: "reforming welfare to make it a pathway to work where
possible."

This is an idea of the Left? In the United States, Republicans rammed
welfare reform down the throat of a Third Way president who, on the
advice of Dick Morris, signed the bill because he thought it might otherwise
cost him the election.

Now that welfare reform is working, conservatives are delighted that
Clinton is taking credit for it. But it shows that Third Way ("triangulation,"
as Clinton-Morris called it) is simply the Left coming around to the social
policy of the Right -- in this case, helping the poor not by perpetuating a
system of handouts but by encouraging and, yes, forcing people into the
dignity of work -- without the courage to admit it.

What this century has taught us is that there is no Third Way. With
socialism dead, there remains but a single model for achieving both
freedom and prosperity. That model, which has become universal, has
worked so well in the West that it is now almost universally imitated
around the world. It consists of a vibrant free market, unfettered as much
as possible, but buttressed by a democratic state that enforces contracts
and provides social protection.

What does Clinton's Third Way stand for? His party is today reduced to
launching an election-eve jihad over an $80 billion tax cut. Over five years.
That's $16 billion a year in an $8,000 billion economy. It means federal
taxation of 20.4 percent of GDP, rather than 20.6.

Some movement. Some philosophy. What really is The Third Way? It is
the sound of the Left moving Right but stopping 0.2 percent shy.
washingtonpost.com